Church of England was apostate in response to a suggestion that a Connecticut congrega-
∑π≤ Notes to Pages 346–51
10. Sermon, Deuteronomy 1:13–18 (June 1748), parts 1, 2, and 4. The reference to ''servant'' seems to suggest that male African slaves who were full members of the church were voting members.
11. At the time he was dealing with a di≈cult paternity case involving his young cousin Lieutenant Elisha Hawley (see chapter 22, below), or he may still have been still reacting to frustrations regarding the ''young folks' Bible'' case, or he may have seen a board of elders as a first step toward reforming the sacraments.
12. Cf. David D. Hall, ''Introduction,'' and Edwards, Misrepresentations Corrected (1752), Works, 12: 61–62; 361, for samples of the sort of brief profession he was requesting.
13. ''Narrative of the Communion Controversy,'' Works, 12: 507–11. 14. Ibid., 507–8. Testimony of Sarah Edwards, June 17, 1750, from The Congregationalist and Christian World, October 3, 1903, reprinted in Iain Murray, Jonathan Edwards: A New Biography (Carlisle, Pa.: Banner of Truth Trust, 1988), 485–87.
15. Testimony of Sarah Edwards, 485–87. John Searle to Edwards, June 4, 1750, Hartford Seminary Foundation, as transcribed by George Claghorn, recounted that in winter 1746–47 he had stayed at the home of Deacon Ebenezer Pomeroy Jr., a member of the most powerful family working for Edwards' removal. During that winter he heard Edwards discuss his views with several townspeople, and Searle himself discussed it with Deacon Pomeroy and read him the passage from Religious A√ections. He knew that others must have talked about it among themselves as well. Searle wondered how so many people in Northampton could have become so forgetful. Searle was a former Northampton resident who had returned to study with Edwards. Other testimonies are from Noah Parsons, Joseph Bellamy, and James Pierpont; see Hall, ''Introduction,'' Works, 12: 53n.
16. Searle to Edwards, June 4, 1750. Testimony of Sarah Edwards, 487. 17. Joseph Bellamy thought the same. In a letter to Thomas Foxcroft (Harvard, Houghton Library, MS Am 1427.1 [1]), May 6, 1749, transcribed by George Claghorn, Bellamy reports that after visiting the town for several days, ''I am of the opinion that when the book comes out, the people will generally be brought over.''
18. E.g., Edwards to John Erskine, July 5, 1750, Works, 16: 355. 19. About one in five in Massachusetts and one in three in Connecticut experienced schism by 1750, totaling eighty congregations. Stephen Foster, The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 291, 370n. Foster's work is valuable in exploring the dilemma.
20. Although not a separatist in the New England context, Edwards argued that the Church of England was apostate in response to a suggestion that a Connecticut congregation get relief from an unacceptable pastor by a≈liating with the Church of England. Edwards to Deacon Moses Lyman, September 30, 1748, Works, 16: 251–52.
21. As David Hall points out, ''Introduction,'' Works, 12: 67–68, although Edwards included in An Humble Inquiry into the Rules of the Word of God, Concerning the Qualifications Requisite to a Complete Standing and Full Communion in the Visible Christian Church, an appendix, drafted by Thomas Foxcroft, recounting the views of earlier Puritan authors, Edwards himself argues on the basis of Scripture, with little direct appeal to his predecessors or concern for exact consistency with them.
22. Despite his advocacy of a national church, more or less on an Old Testament model, Stoddard denied that the Old Testament practices regarding Passover provided an exact guide for the Lord's Supper, since his opponents, such as Increase Mather and