Chapter 178 of 1155

in Dexter, ed., Documentary History, 226. See related documents, pp. 226–34. See Warch,

in Dexter, ed., Documentary History, 226. See related documents, pp. 226–34. See Warch,

Notes to Pages 84–87 ∑≤π

have so large and fair a harvest to reap next September, exhibited in the public theses'' and goes on the criticize one of the Latin terms used. ''Letterbook of Samuel Sewall,'' Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 6th ser., 2 (Boston, 1888), 272–74.

5. The ''amens'' are conjecture but seem likely, especially since they all met with the trustees the next day. Three of these were dissuaded, the others went to England for Anglican ordination. This account is based on Richard Warch, School of the Prophets: Yale College, 1701–1740 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), 96–125.

6. Samuel Sewall, ''To Governor Saltonstall at New Haven,'' October 15, 1722, ''Letter-book of Samuel Sewall,'' 144.

7. Samuel Sewall, ''Diary of Samuel Sewall,'' September 25, 1722, Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 5th ser., 7 (Boston, 1882), 309. Sewall reports that Increase attempted another prayer, but he could not hear it, ''was spent.'' Ibid., 310. Two days later, Increase blacked out and although he lived another year, he never went out in public again. Michael G. Hall, The Last American Puritan: The Life of Increase Mather, 1639–1723 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988): 361.

8. John Davenport and Stephen Buckingham to Cotton Mather, September 25, 1722, in Dexter, ed., Documentary History, 226. See related documents, pp. 226–34. See Warch, School of the Prophets, 110–11.

9. Quoted in Warch, School of the Prophets, 111, from Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d ser., 2 (Boston, 1814), 133–36.

10. Kenneth Silverman, The Life and Times of Cotton Mather (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985): 359.

11. New England Courant, October 1–8, 1722, p. 1 (Standfast and Dogood); October 22–29 (Nausawlander); and October 29–November 5. 12. I am indebted to R. Bryan Bademan for his graduate paper '' 'A Little Sorry, Scandalous Drove': The Congregational Reaction to Anglicanism in Boston, 1719–1725'' (University of Notre Dame, 1998). On Shute, see, Michael C. Batinski, Jonathan Belcher: Colonial Governor (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996), 40–42. J. C. D. Clark, The Language of Liberty, 1660–1832: Political Discourse and Social Dynamics in the AngloAmerican World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 29, argues that ''Americans derived their perceptions of England's corruption far less from any free-standing Commonwealth tradition than from denominational sources.'' Cf. Carl Bridenbaugh, Mitre and Sceptre: Transatlantic Faiths, Ideas, Personalities, and Politics, 1689–1775 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962).

13. The classic ''Reformed'' doctrines as were contrasted with alternatives attributed to Arminius were defined at the international Reformed Synod of Dordrecht (or Dort) of 1618–19 and are sometimes referred to as ''the five points of Calvinism,'' summarized in English by the acronym TULIP: (1) total depravity, (2) unconditional election, (3) limited atonement, (4) irresistible grace, and (5) perseverance of the saints. New England's orthodox party would have subscribed to these teachings but seldom used the precise formulations of Dordrecht, and they had come to think of ''Arminianism'' as a broad set of alternatives to these doctrines. Usually New England orthodox looked to the Westminster Confession of Faith in defining orthodoxy, as their actions regarding Yale, see below, illustrate. Westminster, though consistent with Dordrecht's anti-Arminianism, was a comprehensive confession of faith.

14. On Harvard, see John Corrigan, The Prism of Piety: Catholick Congregational

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