essentially different from that of St. Paul, or indeed of the New
St. John's Gospel and the Christian Mission 93
apprehensible everywhere by faith; for by faith life and the things and events of life are seen by men in their true relation to God. Because Christ made and governs the world, any true discernment, anywhere, of the meaning of life is a triumph of the Holy Spirit of God, whether Christ himself is or is not acknowledged by name.
3. Men's eyes may be opened in discernment of the truth anywhere in human life; and, since religion is part of life, some men may find true discernment in a particular religion, however primi-
tive, however crude. Indeed, because some religions at least consciously attempt to see life related to God, the opportunity for true discernment may perhaps be greatest when man is trying to be religious. Yet there too the possibility of self-deception also appears
to be most prevalent, and most fatal.
4. The Christian Church, in preaching the Gospel, must start where men are. In trying to preach Christ to those of other faiths
it will no doubt be well to try to build by analogy and by contrast upon such discernments of the truth as they seem to find in their religion. Yet it will be better still to try to present Christ as the meaning of the whole of their life; to show how any real grasp or understanding of God's world cries out for judgment—for the devastating interpretation and the merciful fulfillment which only the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ can supply.
5. The Fourth Evangelist knew of no approach to the world essentially different from that of St. Paul, or indeed of the New Testament writers in general. Like them, he preached Christ and him crucified. But he clarified the apostolic approach in at least one.
respect. He showed that there is no situation of man, no experience of man, no authentic part of human life, which, when truly understood, does not point beyond itself toward Christ, and which, when so apprehended, does not, through the death and resurrection of Christ, become a great occasion of hope, a precious means of re- — joicing in the glory of God. The Christian missionary task is to communicate such an understanding as that. Once communicated
it is irresistible, for it is the earnest of the Holy Spirit of God.
PART TWO HISTORICAL STUDIES
He Rise of Protestant
'Missionary Concern, 1517-1914
BY WILLIAM RICHEY HOGG
The Reformers evidenced no concern for overseas missions to non__ Christians. Indeed, three centuries elapsed before Protestantism at large even began such outreach. Why? This and related questions | here claim our attention. ; Our approach relates to "foreign missions," not because these alone define the mission entrusted by God to his covenanted people, but because in the main through them Protestantism discovered the full missionary dimension of the Church. To attempt to examine this multiform and much-debated development briefly is both presumptuous and frustrating. Necessary generalizations require detailed qualification that is here impossible. Adequate documenta- =—=_— tion would triple the pages allotted. Yet the task requires doing.
The rise of Protestant missionary concern must be seen against — the background of Christéndom, the corpus Christianum, the ideal of a vast, unified, transnational Christian society. Many profess to see the corpus Christianum most fully realized under Pope Innocent III (d. 1216). Yet even in the thirteenth century the notion of Christendom was specious. The forces that shattered the idea _ and disclosed its unreality were growing long before the Reforma__ tion, gained major strength in the nineteenth century, and by the — end of 1914-1945 were eee acknowledged—but not by all.
. "IS re
96 HISTORICAL STUDIES
The impossibility of any longer assuming that missions proceed from a Christian West and take the Gospel and benefits of "Chris-
tian civilization" to the non-Western, non-Christian world is a major key to the crisis of the Christian mission in mid-twentieth century.
The main stages in the struggle for religious liberty provide this chapter's chronological divisions. The periods involved also coincide with major epochs in Protestant thought and missionary development. Increasingly after 1789, freedom of religion came to be understood by many as freedom from religion. This has contributed to acceptance of a "post-Christendom" age and major reshaping of contemporary thought on the Christian mission.
Roman Catholic Missions at the Time of the Reformation
For a thousand years prior to the Reformation the Roman Cath-
olic Church through its monastic orders had conducted missions. In 1305, writing to Rome from Peking, the Franciscan John of Montecorvino declared that the apostles had never visited these regions. In 1492 Columbus reached America, the Spaniards completed the expulsion from their homeland of the Moors, and discovery via the sea lanes, already well begun, was launched on a global scale. By 1555 the Society of Jesus, the greatest missionary order of all, was fifteen years old, Xavier was already dead, and Roman missionaries labored in North and South America, Africa, Asia, and the islands of the seas.
Three great forces account for this missionary vigor. First—the papacy. As Vicar of Christ, the pope represented universal authority and symbolized the universality of the Church. Innocent III had declared that Christ "left to Peter [and thus to the popes] the governance not of the Church only but of the whole world." Boniface VIII in 1302 in the bull Unam Sanctam Ecclesiam set forth the highest claim made for papal power. On the eve of the Protestant Reformation, in transnational outlook, universal au-
thority, and exercise of effective dominion, the pope 'stood unique.
- Thus, in 1493 Alexander VI in his bull Inter Cetera could divide
the world between Spain and Portugal for both trade and missions and require the Catholic monarchs to bring the people of the newly discovered lands to the Catholic faith. In 1537 Paul III in the bull Sublimis Deus emphasized that part of the meaning of the Great
Rise of Protestant Missionary Concern, 1517-1914 97
Commission in relation to non-Westerners is that "all are capable of receiving the doctrines of faith." A few years later Rome began the experiments, lasting for more than a half century, that led in
1622 to the founding of the Propaganda ! with its supervision of
all Roman missions.
Second—monasticism. The orders were the missionary agencies of the Roman Catholic Church. The monks were its missionaries.
Third—the monarch. For hundreds of years Christian rulers had provided the financial means and protection for missions in their territories. They understood this to be their Christian duty, and their contribution had been a major factor in Christianity's spread through Northern Europe. As one result, people had been brought to the faith en masse as the monarch's subjects rather than as individually responsible persons.
The Period of the Reformation, 1517-1555
In 1555, thirty-eight stormy years after Luther (d. 1546) posted his famous "Ninety-five Theses," the Peace of Augsburg was drawn, incorporating the principle of cuius regio, eius religio ('"'whose region, his religion'). The ruler of a territory determined its religion. For the first time in Western Christendom a church—the Lutheran—other than the Roman Catholic was given equal recognition in law. By 1555, Calvin (d.-1564) had gained complete mastery in theocratic Geneva.
Luther.—To document in detail the Reformers' amazing lack of a theology of missions would require a small book, but to this problem considerable attention already has been given."
1 Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith. 3 =
2 Gustav Warneck, Outline of a History of Protestant Missions from the Reformation to the Present Time, translated from the Seventh German Edi- — tion by George Robson (Edinburgh and London: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1901). The final German edition appeared in 1913. Chapters I and II provide the baseline from which all subsequent studies proceed. Unfortunately, Warneck is poorly documented. A recent and most useful investigation is Johannes van den Berg, Constrained by Jesus' Love: An Inquiry into the Motives of the Missionary Awakening in Great Britain in the Period between 1698 and 1815 (Kampen: J. H. Kok, 1956). This — doctoral dissertation from a conservative Dutch scholar is remarkably thorough and in its Chapter I provides a splendid survey, well documented, _ of studies on the subject. See also K. S. Latourette, A History of the Expan- — sion of Christianity (7 vols.; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1937-45 ). The
98 . HISTORICAL STUDIES
Here the briefest summary is in order. Some have charged that
all the Reformers assumed the Great Commission had been fulfilled by the apostles. Luther knew that the Gospel had not been spread through the whole world in the first generation of the Church, yet this seemed to mean little to him. His part of the world had received the Gospel. For all practical purposes, the Great Commission had been fulfilled. After the apostles, says Luther, "no one has any longer such a'universal apostolic command, but each bishop or pastor has his appointed diocese or parish." *
Luther knew well the presence of the Moslem Turks in Hungary. He refused the approach of the Crusades, but he urged Christian rulers to fight the Moslem advance. Yet it seems nof to have occurred to him that any Christian in positive witness should reach out to these Moslems. The Turks' Christian prisoners should bear witness to their captors, but this exhausts Luther's concern for a Christian approach to the Moslems.*
One searches in vain in the Works of Martin Luther ® for any exposition of Matthew 28:19-20 or Mark 16:15 that would hint at the Church's responsibility to move beyond Christendom. This silence is in notable contrast to expressed papal understanding of the Great Commission. Even more striking is the contrast between Luther and the Anabaptists, who made the Great Commission binding upon every baptized Christian and who were choosing and sending missionaries as they could. Warneck sees Luther's understanding of election and eschatology making impossible any concern for missions Van den Berg not altogether convincingly disagrees. : The Other Reformers.—Similarly, one searches John Calvin's Institutes and commentaries without finding any positive recognition of a theology of missions. Examination of Zwingli, Bucer, John Knox, and Melanchthon produces the same negative report. To be
_reader who wishes to pursue the question would do well to compare Warneck,
J. van den Berg, and Latourette and the larger literature to which they point. For much in this chapter the writer is considerably indebted to these three scholars, but documentation will be kept to a minimum.
* Quoted by Warneck, op. cit., pp. 14-15. "Martin Luthers Werke, Weimarer Ausgabe (Heerpredigt wider den e _ Tiirken, 1529).
_ *Ibid., or the shorter Philadelphia Edition, 1943. *See Franklin H. Littell's chapter, "The Free Church View of Missions," note 14, >> , i Ee i
Rise of Protestant Missionary Concern, 1517-1914 99
sure, Luther's doctrine of salvation and of the priesthood of all believers, and Calvin's theology with its inherent activism, concern for the extension of the kingdom, and emphasis upon the responsibility of the elect for humanity and society, have missionary implications (and were later appealed to), but the Reformers did not
link these with missionary obligation. Here a prayer for the
heathen's conversion, there an interest in a handful of Christians outside Christendom—but the overwhelming and well-nigh unanimous evidence points in the Reformers to no recognition of the
missionary dimension of the Church.
Why the Lack?—Latourette lists six causes contributing to this absence of missionary concern. Protestantism's struggle to establish
itself, its involvement in the wars of religion, the Reformers' eschatology, the indifference of Protestant rulers to spreading the faith, the absence of Protestant missionary machinery, and the relative lack of contact with non-Christian peoples by predominantly Protestant countries until the latter part of the seventeenth century." Important as these are in the total picture, they do not altogether account for a theological deficiency. The Reformers provide scant explicit evidence for an answer. Yet one ventures to suggest several reasons.
First, the Reformers completely rejected the papacy, not least because to them it represented the height of sinful human pretension. They denied its universal claim and all that flowed from it. In so doing, they eliminated a major sixteenth-century missionary motivation and produced skepticism concerning Roman missions themselves. They disowned the methodology of "papal missions" with mass admissions to the faith all too frequently forced by the conqueror's armed power. That the Reformers' treatment of Anabaptists and others is equally damning does not diminish the force of their rejection. Moreover, no small factor in the Reformation's accomplishment was the surging dynamic of nationalism. This provided widespread popular support for the Reformers' renunciation of the papacy. Restive under papal dominion, new nationalism, when freed from that control, focused powerfully upon the internal = needs of the native land.
Second, the Reformers repudiated monasticism. The Catholic parishes had no developed sense of missionary responsibility, but
the elite in the monasteries understood and responded to the mis- —
"Latourette, op. cit., Il, pp. 25-28.
100 HISTORICAL STUDIES
sionary implications of the papacy. The Reformers disavowed the double standard of Christian life implied in the distinction between parish Christian and monk and also monasticism's "works-righteousness." Theologically and practically for the Reformers this meant denying anything comparable to Roman missions.
Moreover, the Reformers (and the papacy) thoroughly rejected
the Anabaptists, their enthusiasms, their views on church and state,
their attempt to "restore" the New Testament church, and their insistence that the Great Commission is binding upon each Chris-
tian. So great was the "danger" the Anabaptists seemed to pose that they were nearly wiped out.
Each of these repudiations involved denying a missionary ideal viewed either as false or as seriously defective. Moreover, with parishes devoid of missionary responsibility, attitudes congenial to the notion that the Great Commission had been fulfilled by the apostles, and "corrective" theologies emphasizing God's sovereignty, election and man's inability to shape his salvation, the Reformers, perhaps understandably, may have been incapable of seeing or espousing a theology of missions.
Allied with the above, there is also a more positive factor that helps to explain the Reformation's myopia toward missions. Emphasis upon the Bible, the priesthood of all believers, the full responsibility of each Christian under the Gospel, and fulfillment of one's Christian calling where he is placed, meant a recovery of meaning for local congregational life. Later these concerns led to new forms of response to the Gospel's universal claim and the Church's unity,® but initially, from the standpoint of mission and unity, they seemed to be severely limiting.
The Age of Protestant Scholasticism, 1555-1689 _
In Britain the Toleration Act of 1689 allowed Dissenters personal religious liberty. The battle was far from won, but the essential principle of religious freedom was established. In the years between the Peace of Augsburg and the Toleration Act, Protestant scholasticism and orthodoxy prevailed. Protestant theologians re-
® See John T. McNeill, Unitive Protestantism (New York: Abingdon Press, 1930), and his "The Ecumenical Idea and Efforts to Realize It: 1517-1618" in Ruth Rouse and Stephen C. Neill, 4 History of the Ecumenical Movement: 1517-1948 (Published on behalf of the Ecumenical Institute Chateau de Bossey by S.P.C.K. in London, 1954).
Rise of Protestant Missionary Concern, 1517-1914 101
fused to recognize the new thought currents swirling about them and sought only through medieval methodology to elaborate sound doctrine. This sterile period eventually produced two strong reactions.
Theological Developments.—Meanwhile, two developments in ¢ Calvinism emerged that in quite different ways influenced the rise
of Protestant missionary concern. First, the Synod of Dort in 1619 marked the triumph over Arminianism of an extreme Calvinism
that prevailed widely and worked effectively to throttle missionary
endeavor. Second, the Westminster Confession of 1647, a major
restatement of Reformed doctrine, in its Articles I and IV makes
clear that "the holy Scripture ...is the Word of God." The Bible
was no longer the vehicle of the Word, but was equated with the Word itself. As one result, one hundred fifty years later men could
point to the Great Commission and call for missionary obedience
precisely because God's Word says, "Go."
Missions Pro and Con.—In this period several men saw and advocated the Christian's responsibility for foreign missions. The English Puritan Thomas Sibbs (d. 1635) sounded an early call.® Hadrian Saravia (d. 1613), a Dutchman who turned Anglican and died while Dean of Westminster, maintained the continuing validity of Matthew 28:19 and applied it to the whole Church. From Geneva in 1592, Theodore Beza (d. 1605) sharply attacked and denied Saravia's interpretation. Johannes Gerhard of Jena (d.
1637) later attacked Saravia and "proved" that through the apostles the Gospel had been conveyed to all and that the Great Commission had been fulfilled and was no longer binding.
In 1651 Count Truchsess challenged the Wittenberg theological faculty to acknowledge that Matthew 28:19 still required obedience. The Faculty refuted the judgment and insisted that the apos-
tles had taken the Gospel to the world. If any race had forgotten or failed to respond, it deserved eternal punishment. Christian laymen and pastors were not called to be missionaries!
From 1664 Baron von Weltz urged his fellow Lutherans to carry the Gospel to unbelieving nations and proposed forming a
missionary society. Von Weltz died as a missionary in Dutch Guiana, but in Germany he was widely attacked. Von Weltz was the first of many who came to acknowledge Roman Catholic criti-
*Martin Schmidt, The Young Wesley: Missionary and Theologian of Missions (London: Epworth Press, 1958), pp. 5-11.
102 HISTORICAL STUDIES
cisms of Protestantism's lack of missions. But this recognition simply inspired Protestant theologians further to justify and proclaim their negative attitude.1° Meanwhile, Oliver Cromwell and John Comenius, the Moravian, also proposed launching missions, but there was no response.
The Age of the Enlightenment, Pietism and the Awakenings, 1689-1789
Drafted in 1789, the first article of the Bill of Rights of the United States' Constitution sets forth equal freedom for all religions. The same ideal was caught up in the French Revolution of
1789 and thenceforward became the policy in most European nations and in the so-called "secular states" among today's new nations. In the years between the drafting of the Toleration Act and the Bill of Rights a decisively new climate was created for Protestant missionary thought.
A Mechanistic Universe.—Introverted Protestant scholasticism was cut off from the world. Mere mention of the names of Coper-
nicus, Kepler, Galileo, Harvey, and Newton reminds one that there were those in the preceding age who by their knowledge of astronomy, physics, and medicine made possible a mechanistic understanding of the universe that brought much in the Bible into serious question. Reflecting philosophy's accommodation to the new knowledge were Descartes, Hobbes, and Spinoza. Revelation scarcely seemed tenable. At the same time Northern Europe's Protestant nations had just begun their imperial encirclement of the globe.
Protestant Rationalism.—Within Protestantism the results of all that had transpired in geographical discovery, science, philosophy, and theology since the Reformation were twofold. The first was the emergence of a strong rationalistic strain within Protestantism. In Germany this was designated the Enlightenment (Aufklérung).
It began with Leibniz (d. 1716), interestingly an advocate of missions in part because of his knowledge of Jesuit work in China. The Aufkldrung culminated in Kant (d. 1804). He provided the transition to the liberal theology of the nineteenth century. In England a major outgrowth of this rationalism was Deism, or "natural
* For all the above see Warneck, op. cit., pp. 20-40, 50, and 5 van den Berg, op cit., pp. 16, 23, 24.
* Rouse and Neill, op. cit., pp. 88-91.
Rise of Protestant Missionary Concern, 1517-1914 103
religion," best expressed in Tindal's Christianity as Old as the Crea-
tion (1730). Tindal held that Christianity's principles can be de« duced by any reasonable people anywhere.
Pietism.—The second result was the development in the eighteenth century of Evangelical piety. Emerging almost simultaneously
in Germany, Britain, and the Thirteen Colonies, and reflecting Lutheran, Anglican, and Calvinistic backgrounds, these pietistic movements were of similar temper. In striking fashion they inter-
acted and influenced one another. They made possible the burgeon-
ing of Protestant missions in the nineteenth century.
(A) Germany. Pietism in Germany began with P. J. Spener (d. 1705), who from 1670, in reaction against the sterility of prevailing Lutheran Orthodoxy, began founding cell groups and emphasizing Bible study, fellowship, and Christian experience. Thus emerged the little church within the Church (ecclesiola in ecclesia). On Spener's death, his close friend A. H. Francke (d. 1727) succeeded him. This Pietism of Halle did not become a sect, but remained a movement within Lutheranism and attracted many educated and influential people.
A teacher at the University of Halle and a close friend of Leibniz, Francke set forth a world view and missionary concern quite new = in Lutheranism. At the suggestion of a Halle-trained adviser, Fred- ' erick IV of Denmark sought missionaries for his Danish colonies and found his only volunteers at Halle. Thus began the DanishHalle Mission in 1705, which in 1706 sent out Ziegenbalg and Pliitshau as the first Lutheran missionaries to India. Francke stood solidly behind the mission. His great dream was a Universal Seminary in which Lutherans, Eastern Orthodox, and others could be trained for missions throughout the world.'"
Count N. L. von Zinzendorf (d. 1760) gained his missionary zeal from Francke. Some years later remnants of the old Moravians = settled on Zinzendorf's estates in Saxony and there in 1722 built eae their village, Herrnhut. Zinzendorf's missionary vision and German : Pietism deeply influenced the Herrnhutters. Within five years the Moravians reconstituted their church, with the entire community
accepting missionary responsibility. Whole families went overseas
as self-supporting missionary units. Within several decades Mora-
vian missions were at work in Russia, Southern Asia, Africa, the
Caribbean lands, North America, Greenland, and Labrador. A —
4 Ibid., pp. 100-01.
104 HISTORICAL STUDIES
whole church in mission with warmhearted zeal was something new in Christian history.
(B) The Thirteen Colonies. John Eliot (d. 1690), a Puritan pastor in Massachusetts, conducted a major mission among the Indians in New England. He learned the Indians' language and translated the Bible into their tongue. As some hundreds of Indians were converted, Eliot formed them into communities exemplifying the Calvinistic-Puritan theocratic ideal. Directly confronting "savages" ignorant of the Gospel, Eliot, with a Calvinist's concern for men's souls, became a vigorous and thoughtful missionary. He appears to have been the first to refocus the various elements in Calvinism so that that theology's inherent missionary power, hitherto thwarted and obscured, could emerge. His work inspired financial support in Britain and began to open men's eyes to Christian missionary responsibility.1* Eliot's biographer, Cotton Mather (d. 1725) engaged in considerable and significant correspondence with the Halle Pietists, whose influence was also felt in New England.**
The Great Awakening arose in the Thirteen Colonies in the 1720s and had as its outstanding native-born leader, Jonathan Edwards (d. 1758). A theologian, philosopher, and pulpit orator, Edwards against the indifference of his day reinterpreted Calvin and sought for evangelical conversion among his hearers. Like Eliot, Edwards had worked among the Indians. Moreover, David Brainerd
(d. 1748), a young protégé of Edwards, had burned himself out in five years as a missionary among the Indians. Engaged to Edwards' daughter, Brainerd died at the age of thirty in Edwards' home. Edwards' biography of Brainerd (1749) influenced Carey, Martyn,
and others. Among the several results of the Great Awakening and related revivals were missions to Negroes and Indians and the considerable development of Christian higher education.
A young friend and student of Edwards, Samuel Hopkins (d. 1803), pursued and modified his mentor's thought. He was spokesman for the New England theology that had developed with full awareness of the American aborigines and that modified a widely
* Warneck, op. cit., pp. 48, 49; J. van den Berg, op. cit., pp. 23-28 et passim,
"Ernst Benz, "Pietist and Puritan Sources of Christian World Mission," Church History, Vol. XX (1951).
Rise of Protestant Missionary Concern, 1517-1914 105
restrictive understanding of Calvinism so as to free it to make an appeal for conversion to all men. Hopkins' "disinterested benevolence," encouraging sacrifice of self for the greater glory of God, placed missionary motivation in a new context and enabled its author to look forward to the time when Christianity would spread throughout the world.1®
In the Thirteen Colonies for the first time Calvinists in large numbers encountered non-Christian "natives." This then unique American experience caused them to re-examine their theology. Indeed, Calvinism's transplantation to American soil brought striking change. Among Calvinism's leading interpreters were those who had perforce been missionaries among the Indians. Their theological presuppositions led them to see that Christians must proclaim the Gospel among all men so that the elect from every nation can respond and show forth their election to the greater glory of God.
(C) Britain. In the eighteenth century the Evangelical Awakening became the most potent force in Britain's religious life. The majority of the predominant figures in the Awakening were Angli-
can, chief among them John Wesley (d. 1791). The Awakening issued in Anglicanism's Evangelical wing and through the Wesleys in Methodism. It also influenced other churches. Wesley's Arminian theology emphasized that Christ had died for all and that men everywhere could respond and receive the gift of life. From the deadness of Deism, Britain's people were brought by the Evangelical Awakening to a mighty spiritual quickening.
This much-described Awakening transformed England religiously and then socially. For nearly a century it influenced and was influenced by developments in Germany and America. John Wesley,!® George Whitefield, and Jonathan Edwards symbolize this amazing interpenetration. Evangelical piety, concerned for men's souls and for those without the Gospel, through the entire eight-
% Latourette, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 78, and Christianity in a Revolutionary Age (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1958), Vol. I, p. 196; J. van den Berg,
op. cit., pp. 83, 84, 101. See also James S. Udy, Attitudes Within the Prot-
estant Churches of the Occident Toward the Propagation of Christianity in . the Orient—an Historical Survey up to 1914. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University, 1952, pp. 218-29.
6 Schmidt, op cit., passim.
106 HISTORICAL STUDIES
eenth century was conditioning a people. On the eve of the nineteenth century, when the missionary seed was planted in this wellprepared soil, it brought forth abundant fruit.
Colonial Missions—In the period just surveyed several missionary ventures emerged. The Danish-Halle Mission and the missions conducted by the Dutch East India Company reflected the pre-Reformation idea that the ruler is responsible for Christianity in his territory. Two Anglican agencies, the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (1699) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG; 1701), arose in part from the impulses of German Pietism, but operated within a colonial context and thus reflected pre-Reformation conceptions. Although these Anglican societies were primarily for British colonists, from the outset they reached to Negroes and Indians (American and Asian). These several ventures attracted little enthusiasm and by the century's close were considerably less than vigorous. Interestingly, one notes, the only element in sixteenth-century Roman Catholic missions not rejected by the Reformers was the monarch's responsibility for Christianity and missions in his territories. On this foundation were built most of the missionary agencies before Carey.
Eruption of the Protestant Missionary Idea, 1789-1815
The above dates encompass the French Revolution's beginning and Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo. The sharply contrasting social and political emergents in France and in Britain in these two and a half decades were the natural issue of forces that had been mounting in the preceding century. Britain's Evangelical Awakening provided the crucial difference.
That Awakening also decisively influenced the course of the Christian mission.
William Carey.—William Carey, the British Baptist cobbler, stands as the pioneer and great symbolic figure of the beginning of modern Protestant missions. There were Protestant missions and missionaries before Carey's time; but, with the Moravians a major exception, these were colonial, were sometimes state-supported,
and in large part reflected Augsburg's cuius regio principle. The
__ Moravians' challenge to mission went unheeded, for the Herrnhut-
_ ters addressed the Enlightenment's spiritual coldness. But sixty-