4. That although we properly form different apprehensions of these several

4. That although we properly form different apprehensions of these several

set in a clear light." Of this sermon Mr. Tennent, in 1743, expressed himself in very severe terms. Speaking of his brethren, he says, "They likewise opposed God's work, by their false and dangerous Moravian doctrine about conviction. Witness Mr. Thompson's detestable and inconsistent performance, entitled, The Doctrine of Conviction set in a clear light; which divers leaders of that schismatical party have expressed their approbation of. Hardly any thing can be invented that has a more direct tendency to destroy the common operations of God's Holy Spirit, and to keep men from Jesus Christ, than what Mr. Thompson has expressed in that performance." Mr. Samuel Finley wrote an answer to the sermon, in which he condemns it in terms scarcely less severe.2 Mr. Thompson's sermon is a long and excellent discourse on 1 Cor. 3:12, 13: "Now if any man build upon this foundation, gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble, &c." in which the author examined several doctrines then prevalent. The first of these he thus states: "Before there be so much as a beginning of any saving work of grace, or of the Holy Spirit in the heart of the sinner, there must be an awakening conviction of sin and misery raised in the soul in a way of common operation; which convictions are previously necessary to prepare the heart for saving grace, but are void of saving grace themselves." Before refuting this doctrine he premises several general observations, which are in substance as follows: 1. That when the Holy Spirit begins a supernatural work in the heart, he does not implant first one grace and then another; but that true grace is one entire radical principle, the seed and root of all particular graces; just as natural life manifests itself in various exercises. 2. Consequently when any one grace is evident in its exercises, all other graces of the Spirit are to be found in the same person, though they may not be so conspicuous. 3. That these different graces are not so distinct as we are apt to imagine, as though they were separate entities, which may exist independently of each other; whereas they differ only in their object and in the manner of their exercise, yet are the same principle of grace putting forth its various actings, according to the variety of occasions and objects. 4. That although we properly form different apprehensions of these several

graces, yet as they are radically one, it will be found that no one can be alone in its exercise any more than in its existence.

Having prepared the way by these remarks, he takes up the subject of "preparatory ungracious convictions," with regard to which he concedes, 1. That there are common convictions arising from natural conscience, or a common work of the Spirit, which often fall short of conversion. 2. That such convictions may be followed by true conversion; but when this happens the conversion is not the proper effect of those convictions. 3. That we should distinguish between those convictions which are common and those which are the effect of saving grace. The latter possess the soul with a sense of the vileness, baseness, and hateful nature of sin, as offensive to God; but the former only alarm the soul with the danger of the wrath and curse of God. Gracious conviction is always attended with grief for sin, on account of its own sinfulness, and the person's vileness on account of it, who loathes himself, and reckons himself among the basest and most disgraceful creatures upon God's earth; whereas in common convictions, the hatred conceived against sin is only on account of its pernicious consequences. Saving convictions, again, are always accompanied with love to God, to holiness, and to the saints. Sin becomes a burden to those thus convinced, under which they groan. In common convictions there is no love to holiness for its own sake, but only for its reward. Again, saving conviction, though it may take its rise from some notorious sin, does not stop there, but traces up all actual sin to the fountain head, the indwelling wickedness of the heart and corruption of nature; whereas common convictions are ordinarily confined to actual transgressions. The former continue an ingredient in the believer's exercises through life; the latter, for the most part, are at an end as soon as the person concerned gets hope or comfort from any source. And finally, we should distinguish between convictions, whether saving or common, and the terror which may accompany or follow them. The former consists in our persuasion of our sinful and miserable state; the latter in the uneasy impression arising from

the apprehension of danger. The one is proportionate to the light which is let in upon our real character and condition; the other to the apparent avoidableness or unavoidableness of the danger to which we feel ourselves exposed. Hence though the conviction may be strong, the terror may be slight. These fears and terrors are at best but the language of unbelief, and consequently are in their nature a very great sin. To believe that we are in a perishing state by nature, and that we certainly shall perish if we continue in that state; that unless we repent and believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, that is, cordially accept of him as he is offered in the gospel, and to be suitably affected by these things according to their nature, do certainly belong to those convictions which make up a part of our conversion; but to disbelieve or to doubt whether mercy is in our offer, or that we may be saved on gospel terms, is unbelief, and is contrary to that revelation which sets death and life, the blessing and the curse before us at the same time.

After this exposition of his views, he shows from scriptural examples, that "these preparatory, ungracious convictions have no foundation, as to their necessity in order to conversion;" and concludes that, "the convictions which are necessary to conversion, are in truth a part of the work itself; or, to speak more distinctly, are nothing else but that very principle of grace implanted in and by conversion, putting forth itself in the exercise of conviction or persuasion of the person's natural, sinful, and miserable state, according to the word, the heart and conscience bearing witness thereunto."

This is a fair exhibition of Mr. Thompson's views of this subject, which were approved, it seems, by the other leaders of his party. This exhibition is here given, that it may be seen for what kind of doctrine the good men of that day denounced each other. Mr. Tennent appeals to this "detestable performance," and to "the false and dangerous Moravian doctrine," which it contained, in proof that the author and those who agreed with him, not only opposed the work of God, but were themselves graceless. Yet these good men did not really differ in doctrine. Mr. Thompson admitted that there

were convictions resulting from the common operations of the Holy Spirit, which sometimes were and sometimes were not followed by true conversion. He only maintained that they were not necessary, and that those which are essential, are themselves the results of saving grace. Against this Mr. Tennent had not a word to say. As he was a believer in instantaneous conversions, he could not believe in the absolute necessity of these preparatory convictions; nor could he well maintain that any exercises, not in themselves holy, were indispensable as a preparation for holiness. The only difference between the parties was, that the one laid more stress upon this "preliminary law-work" than the other did. Both admitted that it often occurred; and both admitted that it was not indispensable.

Another subject of dispute was, the call to the gospel ministry. Mr. Tennent in his Nottingham sermon had said that, "Natural men have no call of God to the ministerial work, under the gospel dispensation. Is it not a principal part of the ordinary call of God to the ministerial work, to aim at the glory of God, and in subordination thereto, the good of souls as the chief marks in their undertaking that work? And can any natural man on earth do this? No! No! every skin of them has an evil eye; for no cause can produce effects above its own power. Man may put them into the ministry, through unfaithfulness or mistake; or credit or money may draw them, and the devil may drive them, knowing by long experience what special service they may be to his kingdom in that office, but God sends not such hypocritical varlets." This and similar declarations were understood to teach, that though a man be regularly, after due trial and examination, ordained to the sacred office; yet if he is unconverted, he has not the call of God, but only that of man, to the ministry. Thus the matter is stated by Mr. Thompson in the sermon above quoted. With regard to this point, he concedes, 1. That true grace in the person called, is absolutely necessary to the faithful and acceptable discharge of the duties of the ministry. 2. That there is a distinction between the outward call of the word, and the inward call of the Spirit, to grace and salvation. But the call of God to the ministry is an

authoritative act by which he authorizes and commands the person called to enter upon the sacred office. 3. God is truly and properly said to do what is done in virtue of any order or institution of his, and, therefore, 4. That when a person is orderly set apart to this work, by those having authority from Christ for that purpose, he is properly said to be called of God to that work, whatever his qualifications may be. "I intreat my readers," he adds, "that they may not misunderstand me, as if I would plead for an unsanctified ministry. God forbid that such a profane, impious thought should ever be harboured in my breast, much more that I should be wicked enough to maintain it by arguments. Undoubtedly it is the indispensable duty of every one who aspires to this sacred office, to pray and labour for true sanctifying grace and all other necessary qualifications, to fit him for the work, and to propose single ends and views to himself in undertaking it. And it is no less the duty of those, whose part it is to call and ordain men to that work, to take care to inquire into the saving grace, as well as the other qualifications in the persons to be ordained; and the neglect of either is a heinous sin, and of a dreadful tendency, as no doubt a graceless ministry is an awful plague and scourge to any people." What he contended for was, 1. That the qualifications for the sacred office, and the call to enter upon it, should not be confounded; for "if the inward gracious qualifications constitute the call of God, then all who have the qualifications are called to the ministry." 2. That the claim of those who were regularly ordained to be regarded as true ministers should not be denied.

To all this Mr. Tennent replied, that his Nottingham sermon was founded on the assumption, that there "is a two-fold call to the ministry, inward and outward. The first consisting principally in, or rather was evidenced by, the pious dispositions and aims of the person; and the other in his regular external separation to the ministerial work." He adds, "When I said pharisee or unconverted ministers are no shepherds, (no faithful ones,) in Christ's account, it is plainly intimated that I owned them to be ministers, true and lawful ones, in the sight of the church, but not faithful ones in the account

of Christ."2 In another place he says, "Whether those inward pious dispositions be termed the inward call of God to the gospel ministry; or only qualifications necessary or pre-requisite in the persons whom God calls; it seems to be the same in substance." He denies that he confounded the outward and inward call, or ever "thought that any person by reason of his good dispositions and aims, had commission or authority to exercise the ministerial office."4 He successfully vindicates the propriety of calling these pious desires the evidence of an inward call, by an appeal to the usage of the church. "This," he says, "is the opinion of the whole church of Scotland, as appears from her Directory, which they and we have adopted as the standard of our proceedings and sentiments respecting the affairs of church government." He then quotes from the ordination service a distinct recognition of the inward call. He appeals also to the Church of England, which asks every candidate for orders: "Do you trust that you are inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon you this office and ministration?" There was, therefore, no real difference of opinion on this subject between Mr. Tennent and his opponents. He erred in the violent and sweeping language of his sermon, which seemed to imply that an unconverted minister is no minister at all; and they erred in restricting the word call to an authoritative act giving a right to exercise the office of the ministry.

A third subject of discussion was the doctrine of assurance. Mr. Tennent complained that his brethren had done great harm by teaching, "that persons might have grace and not know it." He, at times, went to the opposite extreme. Mr. Thompson says, "I myself have heard Mr. Gilbert Tennent, with great vehemency, assert to a great congregation that every truly gracious person, or true convert, is as sensible of the grace of God in himself, or the love of God to him, as a man would be of a wound or stab, or of the blowing of the wind, or to that effect; and he maintained the same doctrine, alleging some Scripture for his support, when in private I challenged him for it, on the same evening."2 The same complaint is made against the Brunswick brethren in the Protest and elsewhere. This is one of

the doctrines examined in Mr. Thompson's sermon quoted above; with regard to which he teaches, 1. That assurance is attainable in this life. 2. That it is the fault of Christians that it is not more generally attained. 3. That it may be lost. He denies, however, that every believer is assured of his gracious state from the moment that he enters upon it. In answer to the common objection, that a man must be conscious of the exercises of his own mind, he says, "It is one thing to be conscious of such and such a thought in my heart, and another thing to be sure that such a thought is an exercise of grace." That Mr. Tennent and his friends, notwithstanding casual unguarded statements, really held the common doctrine on this subject, is plain from his remarks on the Protest. He there says, "Assurance is attainable and loseable; some gracious souls attain it in this life and some do not." This his opponents owned "to be right orthodox, and the substance of what they had been contending for."

Such were the doctrinal matters in dispute between the two parties. Well might Mr. Tennent say, they were in their own nature small, though greatly aggravated by the distemper of the times. There is not one of these points, with regard to which they did not come to a substantial agreement, as soon as an opportunity was offered for a dispassionate comparison of views.

If the parties were thus agreed with respect to doctrines, were they not widely separated in relation to their views of church government? There is a very prevalent, but very erroneous impression in reference to this point. The schism is often represented as the result of a long continued struggle between the presbyterian and congregational element in the synod; between the Scotch and Irish members on the one hand, and the New England members on the other. The preceding narrative shows that there is not the least foundation for this representation. It shows that the opposition to the authority of the synod, in relation to the two acts which were the matter in dispute, was confined, with one doubtful exception, to the Scotch and Irish members. The ejected members, with the same exception, belonged to the

same class. The protesting or Brunswick party, as it was called, was, therefore, as completely a Scotch and Irish party as it well could be. The narrative further shows, that the New England portion of the synod took part with the majority on all the ecclesiastical matters in debate, until the anti-presbyterial ejectment of the New Brunswick brethren; and that those of them who subse quently withdrew, left the synod not on account of the matters in dispute between the contending parties, but because of the violent and unconstitutional manner in which that dispute was ended. And finally, it shows, that so far from the New England brethren being driven off, their secession was regarded with great regret. The synod said it was a thing they could not hinder, though contrary both to their "judgment and inclination."

If, then, the members who were violently cast out were congregationalists, it was not through New England influence. It was Irish Congregationalism, if Congregationalism at all, which caused the schism. Still, the most interesting question is, were these ejected brethren really antipresbyterian in their principles? It has been seen that this was one of the prominent charges against them; and it must be confessed that the charge had a very plausible foundation. Those brethren themselves found it very difficult to reconcile some parts of their Apology with the principles they professed. To all appearance they allowed to presbyteries and synods nothing beyond advisory powers, even in judicial cases. This character of the Apology is no doubt, however, as has already been remarked, to be referred to that habit of exaggerated statement so characteristic of Mr. Tennent, and which involved him in so many inconsistencies. This is evident from the fact that it is in contradiction with other declarations of its authors, and with their uniform practice. These are more trustworthy sources of evidence of the opinions of these gentlemen than any controversial paper written in the midst of an ardent struggle, and to justify an extreme proceeding. Certain it is, the New Brunswick brethren considered the charge of antipresbyterianism as unfounded and injurious. They asserted their faithful adherence to the

Westminster Directory. They affirmed that they were as strict presbyterians as their opponents. They gave such an explanation of their Apology as to remove all objections to it; and their uniform practice, first as a presbytery, and afterwards as a synod, was, in fact, as thoroughly conformed to presbyterian rules, as that of the old synod during any period of its history. If all these points are clearly established, it must be admitted that the parties were as thoroughly agreed in their principles of church government, as in their doctrinal opinions, and the schism will be assigned to its true cause, viz. the disorder and alienation consequent on the excitement produced by the revival.

A very few extracts from the writings of the leading men, on either side, will suffice to prove the correctness of the representation just given, and to show the agreement of the two parties. In a passage just quoted from Mr. Tennent, we heard him say, when speaking of the Directory, that, they and we, his opponents and his friends, had adopted it, "as the standard of our proceedings and sentiments respecting the affairs of church government." Was such a declaration ever made by the independents in Great Britain, or by the congregationalists in New England? Was it ever made by any honest man who was not a sincere presbyterian?

A more authoritative profession is to be found in the Declaration of the united presbyteries of New Brunswick and Newcastle, already referred to. In order to vindicate themselves from the charge of antipresbyterianism, those presbyteries give a somewhat extended summary of the universally recognised principles of presbyterianism, and conclude thus: "In a word, we heartily agree with the plan of government laid down by the Westminster Assembly in the Directory for church government, as that which is appointed by Jesus Christ, and contained in his word; and so we disown and reject as unscriptural, all other forms and models of church government whatsoever." They further declare, that they "heartily approve of the directions of the Westminster assembly in their Directory for public

worship, as agreeable to the word of God; only we would not be understood to mean as if every particular direction and advice was of necessary obligation upon us. For instance, that we must always begin public worship with prayer; much less that we can now pray for the same afflicted queen of Bohemia, therein mentioned, and suchlike circumstantial things, which no understanding man can judge to be necessary, or of constant obligation.

"We likewise agree to the directions of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, in their Directory for family worship, excepting we see not why persons of quality should, on that account, be exempted from performing the worship of God themselves, in their own families, more than others; and the meeting of divers families therein disapproved of, is not to be understood of such private societies as may meet statedly, at proper times, for reading and prayer, and mutual edifying conference.

"This is a summary account of our faith and principles, and agreeable to the same we desire and design, through divine grace, ever to conduct ourselves, that we may be faithful as servants in all God's house." Stronger professions of presbyterianism were never made, or desired by the opposite party.

The reader will now not be surprised to hear Mr. Tennent assert that the parties did not differ in their ecclesiastical principles. "What order and government were opposed," he asks, "in the late time of contention among us? Was it the necessity of order and government in the church of Christ in general? No. Was it the nature of the government which the Scripture expresses? No. Was it the plan of government which is expressed in our Directory agreeable to the Scriptures? No. What was then the core of the controversy? Why some circumstantials in government; in other words, some rules or acts of discipline formed by the majority, and reckoned prudential and expedient by them, but on the contrary, prejudicial and sinful by the minor party."

The agreement between the two parties will be more obvious, if we state distinctly the points on which they ultimately came to a full understanding. They both denied to the church all legislative power in matters of religion; that is, all right to make laws to bind the conscience. This power, it may be remembered, was unanimously disclaimed by the synod in 1729, in the adopting act. It is formally disclaimed in our present constitution, and it has ever been disclaimed by all parties in the church. Mr. Thompson, in his Government of the Church of Christ, written in answer to the Apology of the New Brunswick brethren, says, "The Lord Jesus Christ hath invested his church with authority to make orders, acts, or diatactic rules for the regulating of circumstances of ecclesiastical matters, which are not, nor possibly could be all condescended upon in Scripture, for preventing disorders and confusion, only these rules must conform to and bear a subordination to the general rules of the word. This authority of the church is only declarative, subordinate, and executive; but not legislative, supreme, or dictating. The meaning whereof is this. The Lord Jesus Christ is head and king of his church; his church is his kingdom; his word contains a complete system of doctrines and laws for his church to believe and obey; but he hath also appointed officers and rulers in his kingdom, who are authorized both to teach and to rule according to these laws; and accordingly they have authority to explain these doctrines, and agree about the meaning of Scripture as to doctrinals; and, by consequence, to compose creeds or confessions of faith. They have also authority to interpret or explain the rules or precepts of the word, and to apply these laws or rules to particular cases." Again: "These rules, acts, or orders of the church cannot, with any propriety of speech, be termed religious laws, because they contain no new matter but what is supposed to be contained in the divine law, or general rule of the word applied to such and such cases."2 Again: "We pretend to no authority to make laws or rules, the matter and penalty of which are not comprehended in the word, though not expressed therein. As for instance, when the Westminster assembly gave directions to inquire into the character and qualifications of candidates for the ministry, they judged that the rules

in the epistles to Timothy and Titus did require them to form and observe those very directions, which they then and there laid down for that very purpose, viz. to require certificates, and to inquire into their skill in the several parts of learning, &c." Again: "We aver that the power and authority, by which such acts or rules are made, is only a ministerial, subordinate, declarative power or authority, to explain and apply the rules or laws already made by Christ, and contained in his word … which is no legislative power at all. The constitution of the presbyterian church, contained in our Westminster Directory, is made up of such rules." "We are obliged," he says, "to remind our readers that we claim no legislative power, but only a ministerial and executive power, viz. a power or authority as officers in Christ's church to govern it, according to the laws which he hath already given, and consequently to explain and apply those laws to their particular cases, whether by making rules, or judging facts."2 And to the same effect: "We own and plead that every true church hath authority to make rules about prudentials and expedients; but we deny that this power is a power of legislation, and say that it is only a declarative and executive power."

From these extracts it is plain what was disclaimed, and what was affirmed to belong to church judicatories. All power to make new laws on religious matters was disclaimed, but the authority to make rules to carry into effect the general principles contained in the word of God, was asserted. To both these points the other party fully assented. Mr. Blair, one of the signers of the Apology, wrote a vindication of his brethren from the charge of antipresbyterianism, contained in Mr. Thompson's work. From this vindication it appears, that the power to which the Brunswick gentlemen intended to object, was precisely that which Mr. Thompson disclaimed; and that the power which he asserted to belong to church judicatories, they readily conceded to them. "I proceed," says Mr. Blair, "to show the weakness of his charge, by giving a just view of those passages of the Apology, which he grounds it upon; and to this purpose it will be necessary to see and consider

what that strain of authority in church judicatories is, which the brethren who presented that Apology do reject and reason against." This he describes as "a proper legislative or law-making authority; not only an authority to execute the laws of Christ, but properly to make laws of their own, in addition to the laws of Christ; which might also sometimes happen to be contrary to his laws, as it was with some of the constitutions of the Jews." This is exactly the authority which Mr. Thompson disclaimed. On the other hand, he concedes every thing when he says: "We heartily agree with our Confession of Faith, that 'it belongs unto synods and councils to set down rules for the better ordering the public worship of God and the government of the church; to receive complaints in cases of maladministration, and authoritatively determine the same; which decrees and determinations, if consonant to the word of God, are to be received with reverence and submission, not only for their agreement with the word, but also for the power whereby they are made as being an ordinance of God appointed thereunto in his word.' " It is perfectly evident this was all that was ever demanded on the other side, or by any class of presbyterians. And "all this," says Mr. Blair, "we freely allow; and there is nothing in the Apology, so far as I can discern, that can be produced, according to the fair rules of interpretation, contrary thereto. For, observe again, the point denied is this, viz: That church judicatories have a lawful power of oppressing the consciences of their members, by imposing any thing upon them upon pain of censure and non-communion, which they judge sinful, and cannot in conscience comply with; when the majority, in the meantime, are not in conscience bound by the authority of God declaring or ordaining that very thing in his word. Such a power as this, is, I think, properly a legislative power in religious matters." It is plain then that Mr. Blair and Mr. Thompson thus far perfectly agreed. They both disclaimed what they called a legislative power in religious matters, that is, a power to make laws to bind the conscience; and they both asserted the power to decide authoritatively in judicial cases, and to set down rules for the government of the church.

The parties agreed also as to the limits of this latter power. They both held that the decisions and rules of church judicatories were binding on dissentient members, provided those determinations were not regarded as sinful. And further, they agreed, that when the conscience of any member forbad compliance with such determinations, his duty was peaceably to withdraw, and not trample on the rules of the body. Mr. Thompson says on this subject, "No member of a judicatory is abridged or deprived of his privilege hereby. For first, he hath the privilege as a member to debate and reason; again, he is at liberty to give his vote or keep it; and thirdly, he is at liberty to submit and conform to the determination of the judicatory by vote, or not. Where then, I beseech, is the abridgement? And as for penalty, there is no new penalty inflicted, but what is the unavoidable consequence of differing judgments among the members of a judicatory, viz: Submission to the judgment of the majority, or separation; which, with its following inconveniences is mutual, and affects both parties in proportion." "The minority of a church judicatory, do virtually promise to be determined by the suffrage of the majority, every time they consent to let the matter in debate go to a vote; and, therefore, afterwards to refuse subjection to such determination is to forfeit their promise. They exercise liberty of conscience and private judgment in voting; and they have still liberty of conscience and private judgment of discretion to determine themselves as to their obedience; i.e. if they apprehend, or come to be persuaded that what is concluded is sinful, they are at liberty to refuse obedience, and that without the least hazard of any penalty or censure, besides what is the unavoidable consequence of the difference of judgment in such cases, and of the authority which they themselves have approved by putting themselves under the government of it."2 The authors of the Protest take the same ground: "We utterly renounce," say they, "all claim of power to make any scriptureless canons; and claim a bare ministerial authority, to set down rules and directions for the ordering of public worship of God, and the government of his church agreeable to the thirty-first article, part third, of our Confession of Faith.… If we cannot agree without voting, the majority

have a casting vote in all our determinations, as is usual in all judicatories civil and ecclesiastical, so that the minority or dissenting voters, in rules of common concern, must either comply, or forbear to counteract, or separate."

Mr. Tennent teaches the same doctrine. "No doubt a smaller number," says he, "ought freely to submit to the conclusions of the majority, in matters of government, which they, the majority, judge essential to the well-being of the church. For without this there could be no government at all. Without this the minor party would have power to impose upon the major, in things which they reckon of the last consequence to the good of the society; which is absurd. It is true the major party may be mistaken as well as the minor, and consequently abuse their power, for which there is no help in the present imperfect state of things, but humble remonstrance by reason and argument. Yet considered as a society, the majority have a right to judge for themselves, (upon the plan of private judgment,) what they reckon essential to their constitution, or to the well-being of the church under their care, and consequently to exclude from their society such as do not comply therewith. Moreover in matters which are reckoned circumstantial by the majority, the minor party ought, for peace sake, to comply, if they be not consciencebound in the matter; but if so, they cannot; and whether forbearance should not be exercised towards them in this case, as well as in other parallel cases, I leave to others to determine." "There are two general cases," says Mr. Blair, "wherein we freely grant church judicatories must require and insist upon submission and obedience from all their members, whether they assent or dissent, whether they be negatives or approbatives, or non-liquets in the making of the acts or rules, on pain of such censure as may appear from Scripture to be due to their disobedience, according to the various instances of it, or cases wherein it may be: First, when the judicature does judge, that that very particular which they determine, appoint, or forbid, is itself particularly declared, appointed, or forbidden by God in Holy Scripture; whether the point be determined in Scripture in so many express words, or by plain consequence, it is the same thing. The other general case

wherein obedience and submission are necessary to be given to church judicatories and required by them is, when in matters of human prudence and expediency, they can submit without conscience of sin in so doing. When the majority of a judicature judge a particular thing or rule to be a good prudential expedient in present circumstances, or to answer the design of some general direction or injunction of God's word, though the minority or lesser number judge it not so, yet they are in duty and conscience bound to submit and obey, unless they judge the thing or rule to be contrary to God's word, and so, that it is sinful for them to obey." Further than this no presbyterian ever went. Finally, when these brethren came to unite with others in the formation of a new synod, it was laid down as a fundamental principle: "That in matters of discipline and those things which relate to the peace and good order of our churches, they shall be determined according to the major vote of ministers and elders, with which vote every member shall actively concur or passively acquiesce. But if any member cannot in conscience agree to the determination of the majority, and the synod think themselves obliged to insist upon it as essentially necessary to the wellbeing of our churches, in such case, such dissenting member promises peaceably to withdraw from the body, without endeavouring to raise any dispute or contention upon the debated point, or any unjust alienation from them."2 In all the protracted negociations between the two synods, this article was acquiesced in by both parties, and was adopted in 1758, when the union actually took place.

Notwithstanding, therefore, the ardent debates and mutual criminations on this subject, it appears the two parties were of one mind. They were agreed in disclaiming all legislative power in religious matters. They were agreed, in the right of synods to set down rules for the government of the church. They were agreed in the binding authority of these rules even over dissentients, except when such dissentients believed them to be sinful. They were agreed that when a member could not obey a given rule with a good conscience, it was his duty peaceably to withdraw. Finally, they were agreed

that when the synod saw that the minority were opposed to any measure, not in judgment only but in conscience, they ought not to insist upon it, and thus necessitate a schism, unless they believed the measure to be essential to the well-being of the churches. These principles are all so plain and so reasonable, that we need not wonder they commanded the unanimous consent of both parties, or that they have remained the unquestioned principles of our church from that day to this. If in the exasperation of another conflict, when no truth is clearly seen, and no duty properly appreciated, they have again been called in question by heated partisans, they will resume the sway which belongs to truth and reason when the excitement has died away.

It appears from this history that the great schism was not the result of conflicting views, either as to doctrine or church government. It was the result of alienation of feeling produced by the controversies relating to the revival. In these controversies the New Brunswick brethren were certainly the aggressors. In their unrestrained zeal, they denounced brethren, whose Christian character they had no right to question. They disregarded the usual rules of ministerial intercourse, and avowed the principle that in extraordinary times and circumstances such rules ought to be suspended. Acting upon this principle, they divided the great majority of the congregations within the sphere of their operations, and by appealing to the people, succeeded in overwhelming their brethren with popular obloquy. Excited by a sense of injury, and alarmed by the disorders consequent on these new methods, the opposite party had recourse to violent measures for redress, which removed none of the evils under which they suffered, and involved them in a controversy with a large class of their brethren, with whom they had hitherto acted in concert. These facts our fathers have left on record for the instruction of their children; to teach them that in times of excitement the rules of order, instead of being suspended, are of more importance than ever to the well-being of the church; that no pretence of zeal can authorize the violation of the rules of charity and justice; and on

the other hand, that it is better to suffer wrong than to have recourse to illegal methods of redress; that violence is no proper remedy for disorder, and that adherence to the constitution, is not only the most Christian, but also the most effectual means of resistance against the disturbers of the peace and order of the church.

CHAPTER VI

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH DURING THE SCHISM, 1741–58

SYNOD OF PHILADELPHIA. Accessions to the synod.—Missionary labours of the synod.—Its efforts in behalf of education.—Establishment of the widows' fund.—The form of government.—Presbyterial acts performed by the synod.—Its supervisory power.—Decision of casuistical questions. —Addresses to the churches in reference to the low state of religion, and to public calamities.

SYNOD OF NEW YORK. Articles of agreement on which the synod was founded.—Accessions to the synod.—Its missionary labours.—Its efforts in behalf of education.—Its standard of doctrine.—Its form of government, illustrated by its acts of review and control; the formation of new presbyteries; the decision of judicial questions; the strict presbyterianism of its subordinate presbyteries.—The synod conformed to the Scottish model, in appointing annually a commission, in investing committees with full synodical power, and in acting as a presbytery.—History of the negotiations for an union of the two synods.—The plan of union ultimately adopted in 1758.

THE number of ministers connected with the synod of Philadelphia, before the schism, was from forty to forty-five. Nine were excluded in 1741, and eleven or twelve withdrew in 1745, when the synod of New York was formed, leaving in connexion with the old synod from twenty to twentythree. During the seventeen years that the separation lasted, the number of ministers in the synod of Philadelphia, remained nearly stationary. This was the result of various causes. The portion of the country which fell within the bounds of that synod, was comparatively new, and settled by a heterogeneous population, Irish, Scotch, German, Welsh, and English.

These people to a great extent were poor, and much less cultivated than the original settlers of New England. They were also widely scattered and mixed with other denominations, which rendered the formation of churches, and the support of pastors, exceedingly difficult. The number of young men qualified for the ministry furnished by such a population, was of course small, and the supply of preachers from abroad was tardy and precarious.

During this period also, the colonies, especially Pennsylvania and Virginia, were greatly harassed and injured by the French and Indian wars. In a multitude of cases settlements, instead of increasing, were entirely broken up, and the people murdered or scattered. This disturbed state of the country was of course very unfavourable to the formation of new congregations, and to the increase of those already established. Missionaries sent by the synod of New York to Virginia, were more than once entirely prevented from fulfilling their appointments, by the dangerous condition of the frontier settlements.

Another cause of the slow increase of the synod of Philadelphia, was the decided superiority of the synod of New York. This superiority was not merely as to numbers, but as to zeal, weight of character, and facility of obtaining a supply of ministers. To this synod, therefore, was attracted a large proportion of those young men, who, from their geographical position, most naturally belonged to the other. New England too, even at that day, had begun to be the hive of ministers. The presbyteries of New York and New Brunswick lying contiguous to the sources of supply, naturally received the ministers who entered our church from the eastern provinces.

The synod of Philadelphia, however, laboured with no little zeal and fidelity to cope with the difficulties with which they were surrounded, and to cultivate successfully, the field which God had committed to their care. The following ordinations and receptions of new members were reported to (he synod during the period now under review; in 1742, Messrs. Guild and

Samuel Evans, by the presbytery of Philadelphia, and Mr. Alexander McDowell, by the presbytery of Donegal; in 1744, Timothy Griffiths and John Steele, by the presbytery of Newcastle, who also reported the reception of Mr. James Scougall, an ordained minister from Scotland, and his settlement at Snowhill, Maryland. In 1747, the presbytery of Donegal reported the ordination of David Thorn, and the presbytery of Newcastle that of John Dick, John Hamilton, and Hector Alison. In 1748, the Rev. David Brown, from Scotland, was received by the presbytery of Newcastle. In 1749, the presbytery of Donegal reported the ordination of Mr. Tate; and in 1752, that of Mr. Samson Smith; and in 1754, that of Robert McMurdie; the same year the presbytery of Philadelphia reported the ordination of John Kinkead. In 1757, the Rev. John Miller was received by the presbytery of Newcastle. This gentleman, the father of the Rev. Dr. Miller, of Princeton, was born in Boston, whither his parents had removed from Scotland. Mr. John Miller was settled at Dover, in the State of Delaware, and continued the faithful pastor of that church until his death, in 1791. The same year the Rev. Alexander Miller was received by the synod. Besides these, we find the names of Mr. William McKennan, Matthew Wilson, William Donaldson, and John Alison, on the minutes as ministers or preachers. It thus appears that about twenty-two mimisters were added to the synod of Philadelphia during the continuance of the schism. During the same period the death or removal of ten ministers is recorded. It is not probable that the minutes give a full account either of the accessions or losses, particularly of the latter, as the number upon record in 1758, was not much larger than it was in 1745.

The attention of the synod was early turned, not only to the wants of the people within their immediate bounds, but to those also of the emigrants who were rapidly extending themselves through Virginia and North Carolina. In 1742, a supplication was received "from some of the back inhabitants of Virginia," begging the synod to write to the general assembly in Scotland, or to its commission, requesting that a minister or probationer

might be sent over to them. Such a letter was accordingly written. The following year the synod wrote again to the assembly, "to lay before them the low and melancholy condition of this infant church, both for want of probationers to supply our numerous vacancies, and also for want of suitable encouragement for ministers in new settlements, and to intreat them both to send ministers and probationers, and to allow them some small support out of their fund for some years, in new places; and that they be pleased to enable us in some measure or by some method to erect a seminary or school for educating young men for these ends among ourselves."

In 1744, "a representation was laid before synod from many people in North Carolina, showing their desolate condition, and petitioning that we would appoint one of our number to correspond with them." The same year "the Rev. Mr. Dorsius, pastor of the Reformed Dutch church in Buck's county, laid a letter before synod, from the deputies of North and South Holland, wherein they desire of the synod an account of the high and low Dutch churches in this Province, and also of the churches belonging to the presbyterian synod of Philadelphia; and whether the Dutch churches may be joined in communion with said synod, or if this may not be, that they would form themselves into a regular body and government among themselves. In pursuance of which letter, the synod agreed that letters be written in the name of the synod to the deputies of those synods in Latin, and to the Scotch ministers in Rotterdam, giving them an account of the churches here, and declaring our willingness to join with the Calvinistic Dutch churches here, to assist each other as far as possible in promoting the common interests of religion, and signifying the present great want of ministers among the high and low Dutch, with the desire that they may help in educating men for the ministry. And the synod ordered that Messrs. Andrews, Cross, Evans, and the moderator, (McHenry,) write the said letters."3

That there were already congregations formed and furnished with ministers in the frontier settlements in Virginia, appears from the following minute made in 1747. "Upon considering the distance of the brethren in the back parts of Virginia, we think it necessary that we should know the state of the churches which are under our care, though at a distance from us; and, therefore, it is ordered that at least one of those brethren shall every year attend us, that we may have the pleasure of knowing the state of Christ's kingdom among them, and that we may keep synodical communion in reality, and not in name only. And ordered that Messrs. McHenry and Sanchey write them a letter, acquainting them with the mind of the synod in said affair." These congregations were formed principally under the ministrations of the members of the presbytery of Donegal. As early as 1738, the Rev. Mr. Anderson, a member of that presbytery was sent to the settlements in the vicinity of Staunton. The following year Mr. John Thompson supplied in the neighbourhood of Winchester and Staunton; and the same year Mr. John Craig received calls from two settlements near Staunton, which he accepted, having been ordained by the presbytery of Donegal for that purpose. These congregations he called Augusta Church and Tinkling Spring. He continued to labour in these two congregations, (which are two of the oldest congregations in Virginia,) for about fourteen years, when he took his dismission from Tinkling Spring, and continued the remainder of his days pastor of Augusta Church alone; "which church still continues to be numerous and respectable, distinguished in general for their orthodoxy and good order, and enjoying from time to time some spiritual refreshings." About the year 1744, the Rev. Mr. Black, of the presbytery of Donegal was settled at Rockfish.

In 1748, the synod, in consequence of an application for supplies, "appointed that one minister should be sent in the fall, and another in the spring, to preach in the back parts of Virginia, each eight weeks, and that such members be exempt, until other members of the synod do the same." The following year it was ordered, that Mr. Tate go out eight weeks in the

fall, and Mr. McHenry as many in the spring. In 1750, this duty was assigned to Mr. Griffith and Mr. Samuel Thompson; and in 1751, to Mr. Hector Alison and Mr. Samson Smith. In 1752, it was ordered, that Mr. McKennan supply the congregations of North and South Mountain, Timbergrove, North river, and Cedar-creek, and John Hinton's, until October, chiefly, and other vacancies as often as he can; and that Mr. Kinkead shall supply the same from the middle of November till the first of March." In 1753, supplications were again received from Virginia and North Carolina, and Mr. McMurdie was sent to preach in the vacant congregations for ten weeks or longer if needful; and Mr. Donaldson for a similar term. These missionaries were urged to pay special attention to the congregations in North Carolina, between the Yadkin and Catawba rivers.

In 1755, the synod sent Mr. Donaldson to the same settlements for three months in the fall, Mr. Matthew Wilson for three months in the winter, and Mr. McKennan for three months in the spring. In 1756, it was ordered that Mr. John Alison supply the same "vacancies next fall and winter. And it is recommended to him, and to all such who may be sent by us to supply those distant parts, to study in all their public ministrations and private communications, to promote peace and unity among the societies, and to avoid whatever may tend to ferment divisions and party spirit, and to treat every minister from the synod of New York, of like principles and peaceful temper, in a brotherly manner, as we desire to promote true religion and not party designs. And the synod resolved to send a copy of these instructions to the brethren of the synod of New York, hoping that they will recommend a like conduct to any they send thither. Ordered that each of our supplies to those distant parts, carry a copy of this minute with them."

In 1757, it was ordered, "that Mr. Miller supply the following settlements in order in the fall, each one Sabbath day, viz: Cather's settlement, Osborne's, Morrison's, Jersey's on Yadkin; Buffler's and Baker's settlement. And that Mr. Craig supply the same settlements, each one Sabbath day in the spring;

together with Brown's, North and South Mountain, and Calf-pasture settlements, in Virginia; and that they preach to lesser congregations on week days, as often as they can."

These notices give but an imperfect idea of the missionary labours of the members of this synod. Each presbytery was a missionary society, and most of the missions to vacant congregations or destitute settlements were made under their direction, and therefore do not appear upon the minutes of the synod.

Next to the religious instruction of their own people, and the supply of the new settlements, the duty of providing some adequate means for the education of ministers of the gospel, seems to have pressed most heavily upon the members of the synod. From an early period, probably as early as 1719, or 1720, the Rev. William Tennent, sen'r., had erected a school at Neshaminy, long known as the Log College, where some of the most distinguished and useful ministers of that generation received their education. This was a private institution, and had no immediate connexion with the synod. In 1739, Mr. John Thompson introduced an overture into the presbytery of Donegal, proposing the establishment of a school under the care of the synod. This overture was the same year referred to the synod, and "unanimously approved;" and Messrs. Pemberton, Dickinson, Cross, and Anderson, were nominated, "two of whom, if they can be prevailed upon, to be sent home to Europe to prosecute this affair, with proper directions. And in order to this, it was ordered, that the commission of synod, with correspondents from every presbytery, meet at Philadelphia, the third Wednesday of August next, and if it be necessary that Mr. Pemberton go to Boston, pursuant to this design, it is ordered, that the presbytery of New York supply his pulpit during his absence." When the commission met in accordance with this appointment, it was resolved that application should be made to every presbytery for their concurrence and assistance, and that a letter should be written to the general assembly in Scotland, soliciting their

co-operation. In consequence, however, of the small number of members in attendance, it was thought best to refer the matter to the whole synod; and the commission accordingly resolved to call an extra meeting of the synod on the last Wednesday of September, enjoining "on the members present to inform their respective presbyteries of the appointment, and that the moderator send letters to the presbyteries of New Brunswick and New York, ordering their attendance at the time appointed." It was further ordered, "that a letter be remitted to Dr. Colman, to be communicated to our brethren of Boston, earnestly desiring their concurrence and assistance in this affair." It appears from the minutes of the following year, 1740, that in consequence of "war breaking out between England and Spain the calling of the synod was omitted, and the whole affair laid aside for the time." A letter from Dr. Colman, in reply to the one written to him by the commission, was read before the synod, wherein, in the name of the associated brethren of Boston, "he assures the synod of their readiness to concur with the synod in their laudable proposal of erecting a school or seminary of learning in these parts."

Nothing further was done in this business until 1744. From the minutes for that year it appears that "a committee was held at the Great Valley, November 16, 1743, by a private agreement between the presbyteries of Philadelphia, Newcastle, and Donegal, the minutes of which meeting were laid before the synod, showing that the said committee considered the necessity of speedy endeavours to educate youth for supplying our vacancies; but as the proper method cannot be so well compassed without the synod, they refer the consideration of the affair to that reverend body; but agree, in the mean time, a school be opened for the education of youth. And this synod, it is added, now approve of that design, and take the said school under their care, and agree upon the following plan for carrying on the design:

"First, there shall be a school kept open, where all persons who please may send their children, and have them taught gratis, in the languages, philosophy, and divinity.

"Second, in order to carry on this design, it is agreed that every congregation under our care, be applied to for yearly contributions, more or less, as they can afford, and as God may incline them to contribute, until Providence open a door for our supporting the school some other way.

"Third, if any thing can be spared, besides what may support a master and tutor, it be applied by the trustees for buying books and other necessaries for the said school, and the benefit of it, as the trustees shall see proper. And Mr. Alison is chosen master of the said school, and has the privilege of choosing an usher under him to assist him; and he, Mr. Alison, is exempted from all public business, save only attending church judicatories, and what concerns his particular pastoral charge. And the synod agree to allow Mr. Alison £20 per annum, and the usher £15." The same day the synod appointed a board of trustees for the school, three of whom were to visit the school every quarter. "These trustees," it is added, "are to inspect into the master's diligence in, and method of teaching; consider and direct what authors are chiefly to be read in the several branches of learning; to examine the scholars from time to time as to their proficiency; to apply the money procured from our people as ordered above; and, in sum, order all affairs relating to said school, as they shall see expedient, and be accountable to the synod, making report of their proceedings and the state of the school yearly."

This it must be admitted was a very liberal plan. A school was thus established for the gratuitous instruction of the youth of all denominations, and sustained by the efforts of one of the poorest; and one of the most accomplished scholars at that time in the country, was placed at the head of it. The only record in the minutes for 1745, relating to the school, is the

notice of the report of the trustees, and an order to those ministers who had not taken up a collection for its support, to attend to that duty. It appears that, by the order of the commission, Messrs. Andrews and Cross had written a letter to President Clap and the trustees of Yale College, in relation to this enterprise, as notice is taken of his reply. When President Clap's letter was presented to the synod in 1746, an answer was prepared, which is inserted on the records at length.

It may be inferred from this answer, that the commission had written to make some arrangement for the admission of the students from the synodical school into Yale College, as the president called for information as to the plan of the school, and state of the synod. This information the answer in question purports to give. It states that the synod had, some years before, endeavoured to establish a school, but were prevented by the troubles of the time, especially by the war with Spain; that in the mean time, in order to secure a learned ministry, they had agreed that those who had not a diploma from some college should obtain a certificate of competent scholarship from the synod, before being taken on trials by any presbytery. It then briefly refers to the opposition made to this agreement, and to the controversies arising out of Mr. Whitefield's preaching, and the subsequent schism in the synod. The letter then gives an account of the school, and adds, that the synod had agreed "that after the scholars had passed through the course of studies assigned to them, they shall be publicly examined by the trustees and such ministers as the synod shall see fit to appoint, and if approved, shall receive testimonials of their approbation, and without such testimonials none of the presbyteries under the care of the synod shall improve any of the scholars in the ministry." The writers further express their hope of obtaining assistance from England and Ireland as soon as the difficulties which then existed allowed of their making the necessary application. They profess their purpose to make the course of instruction in their school correspond as nearly as possible with that pursued in the British colleges. They readily agreed that their scholars in going to Yale, should be

examined by the president and fellows, be required to bring recommendations, and that they should enjoy no privileges inconsistent with the good order of the college. It is not easy to understand the object of this letter, unless it be assumed that the statutes of Yale College required a certain number of years' residence before graduation, and that the synod wished their students to be allowed to enter the higher classes, when found prepared, in order to avoid the expense of a protracted absence from their own homes. In the minutes for the year 1747, there is a notice of another letter from President Clap, and of a reply on the part of the synod, but the contents of neither are given.

The synod continued to watch over the school with sedulous attention, as there is almost every year some record relating to it. In 1749, it was found necessary to modify the plan of gratuitous instruction. Mr. Alison's salary was increased to thirty pounds, and he was allowed to receive the usual tuition fee from all students whom the trustees did not exempt from that charge. In 1751–2, Mr. Alison removed to Philadelphia to take charge of the academy in that city, and when it was erected into a college he was appointed the vice-provost. Mr. Alexander McDowell was appointed his successor in the mastership of the synodical school. The organization of the college in Philadelphia, and the appointment of Mr. Alison, seems in a measure to have removed the necessity for a higher collegiate institution under the immediate care of the synod. That college, though principally under the control of episcopalians, was accessible to all denominations, and a large portion of its officers and trustees have ever been presbyterians.

In 1754, Mr. Matthew Wilson was appointed Mr. McDowell's assistant, and teacher of languages in the school, Mr. McDowell "from a sense of the public good continuing to teach logic, mathematics, and natural and moral philosophy." In 1755, a collection of books was received from Dublin, which were sent "for the benefit of public schools, the use of students, and the encouragement of learning in this infant church, to be disposed of by the

synod in the best manner to answer these good ends." It was then agreed that these books should "be the foundation of a public library under the care of the synod." The books proper for the school were to be the property of the master, he giving security for their safe keeping and return; the others were committed to the care of the trustees of the fund for ministers' widows, who were to choose a librarian to take charge of the library for the use of members of the synod, and for the benefit of students of divinity in the college of Philadelphia. The same year an application was made to the trustees of the German schools for assistance in the support of the synodical school; the synod engaging "to teach some Dutch children the English tongue, and three or four boys Latin and Greek, if they offer themselves; and Mr. Samson Smith was directed to open the school at Chesnut Level so soon as this favour was received."3 These German schools were under the patronage of a general board in London, and of a subordinate board in Philadelphia. It was to the latter that the application of the synod was, in the first instance, directed. This application was the more reasonable, as the synod had for eleven years sustained the school by their own exertions, and offered its advantages gratuitously, to the youth of all denominations. The request for assistance, therefore, was granted without much hesitation, as appears from the following extract, from the minutes of the board, communicated to the synod in answer to their petition. "June 14, 1755; met at Mr. Allen's house near Germantown the following trustees, viz: Messrs. Allen, Peters, Franklin, and Smith. And taking into their consideration the aforesaid petition of the synod of Philadelphia, were under some difficulty how to act concerning it. On the one hand they thought that to grant the petition in favour of an English synod might give offence to the Germans, who generally consider this charity as intended for their own particular benefit. The trustees were also of opinion, that it did not exactly fall under the great design of promoting the English tongue among the Germans. But they considered on the other hand, the pleas urged by the petitioners. They knew it to be a truth, that the synod of Philadelphia, at a time when ignorance, even among the ministry, was like to overrun the whole

province, had begun, and with much difficulty, long supported a public school under Mr. Francis Alison; and that many able ministers, and some of them Dutch, had been educated in the said school. The trustees were also of opinion that it was no small argument in favour of the petitioners, that the mother church of Scotland had contributed so largely to this useful charity, and that if any future application to said church should be necessary, the interest and recommendation of the synod of Philadelphia might be useful in that respect, as well as in countenancing the several schools in their present infant state, and educating, according to their proposal, some young men for the Dutch ministry gratis. In consideration of all which it was resolved to grant twenty-five pounds currency for one year to assist the said synod to support their school on the following terms, viz: 1. That it shall be under the same common government with the other free schools, and be subject to the visitation of the trustees general or their deputies, appointed upon the recommendation of the synod. 2. That the master shall teach four Dutch or English scholars gratis, upon the recommendation of the trustees general, to be prepared for the ministy, and ten poor Dutch children in the English tongue gratis, if so many offer. 3. That the deputy trustees, together with the master and any of the clergy, visit the school at least once a quarter, and send down a statement thereof, to be transmitted by the general trustees to the honourable society. Agreed, that this case be transmitted to the honourable society to obtain their directions thereupon."

The synod acceded to these terms and appointed deputy trustees to visit the school every quarter. When this matter came before the society in London, they increased the annual contribution to the synod's school from twentyfive pounds currency to thirty pounds sterling. It was thus that the synod laboured diligently and successfully in promoting the cause of education. At the synodical school under Mr. Alison and Mr. McDowell, some of the most distinguished of the ministers of the next generation, were prepared for their work. This school gave rise to the Newark academy, which has since been chartered as a college.

The connexion between these two institutions, is fully set forth in the charter granted to the Newark academy in 1769, by Thomas and Richard Penn. "Whereas the Rev. Messrs. John Thompson, Adam Boyd, Robert Cross, Francis Alison, Alexander McDowell, and some others, about twenty years since, erected a public school in the province of Pennsylvania for the instruction of youth in the learned languages, mathematics, and other branches of useful literature, and to qualify them for admission into colleges and universities; which school they supported with much care and expense, to the great advantage and benefit of the public: And whereas, the said school, so as aforesaid, originally in the province of Pennsylvania, hath been removed and is now kept in the town of Newark, in the county of Newcastle; and whereas, &c."

In one of the preceding extracts, mention is made of the trustees of the fund for ministers' widows. As the institution here referred to still exists, and is one in which many of our clergy are interested, it may not be improper to introduce a brief account of its origin. In 1754, "a proposal was introduced by Mr. Alison for laying some plan for the support of ministers' widows," and a committee was appointed for that purpose, who made a report to the synod, when it was agreed, "in order to complete the plan, and to carry it into full execution, that each presbytery should choose a minister to represent them, and send by him their several quotas to the fund; and this representation when met, shall put the stock into the hands of appointed trustees, and fix the proper regulation of it." The plan thus formed was reported to the synod the following year and finally adopted. It provided that each subscriber might pay two or three pounds annually; that all future members of the synod, or candidates for the ministry might join the association; that the subscription of any member might be changed from two to three pounds, provided he made up the difference from the beginning; that the annuity payable to the widows or children of deceased members, should be five pounds, or seven pounds ten shillings, according as the subscription had been two or three pounds; that should a member die

before he had made five annual payments, one half of the annuity due to his representatives should be deducted until these deductions, together with the payments made, amounted to the sum of five annual subscriptions; that the annuity should be payable to the widow for life, to the children for twelve years; that nothing beyond the annuities was to be paid, until the capital amounted to eight hundred pounds for every twenty members: after that the profits might be divided among the annuitants. The following year application was made for a charter, which was ultimately obtained and has been the means of perpetuating an institution which has been the source of incalculable benefits to many widows and orphans.

As the principal object of this history is to exhibit the constitution of our church as to doctrine and order, it would here be in place to state, whatever might throw any light on either of these points. As far as doctrine, however, is concerned, there was nothing in the action of the synod of Philadelphia during the schism of any particular interest. There was no controversy on the subject; no acts of discipline for erroneous opinions, and no new measures adopted with a design to uphold the standards of the church. The only exception to this remark is, a resolution adopted immediately after the schism to the following effect, viz: "That every member of this synod, whether minister or elder, does sincerely and heartily receive, own, acknowledge, or subscribe the Westminster Confession of Faith, the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, as the confession of his faith, and the Directory, as far as circumstances will allow and admit in this infant church, for the rule of church order. Ordered that every session do oblige their elders to do the same at their admission. This was readily approved, nemine contradicente." Hitherto the adoption of the Confession of Faith had been required only of ministers. It was now required of Elders, and that with evident propriety. They are entitled as members of presbytery, to sit in judgment on the doctrinal knowledge of candidates for ordination, and on the orthodoxy of ministers. This regulation, therefore, still continues a part of the constitution of the church.

As it regards matters of government, the Westminster Directory continued to be the general standard. The sessions governed the congregations subject to the review and control of the presbyteries; the presbyteries governed their own members, and received appeals and references from the sessions, subject to the review and control of the synod; and the synod received appeals and references from the presbyteries, and took care that the constitution was everywhere observed. Agreeably, however, to the Scottish and French principle, that a synod is a larger presbytery, and may properly perform all presbyterial acts, when occasion calls for it, we find the synod during this period as well as before the schism, frequently acting more or less distinctly in a presbyterial capacity. Thus in 1741, the name of the Rev. Mr. Stevenson was struck from the roll, or he was disowned as a member, without the intervention of a presbytery, because, as the synod say, he had "from time to time, for years past, neglected attending on our judicatures, also had omitted his ministry without giving us any reason for his said conduct." This suspension, however, was only until he should appear before synod, "and give an account of his proceedings." In 1749, we find Mr. Cross requesting supplies from the synod for his congregation, "until it please God to restore his health." Supplies were accordingly appointed for several sabbaths, and Mr. Cross and his congregation allowed "discretionary power to invite any other of the brethren until the commission met in the fall." In 1754, he was again obliged to seek assistance, and it was "ordered that Mr. Cross or Mr. Alison have allowance to write to any minister, to come and preach two sabbaths at any time during Mr. Cross's sickness." In 1751, the case of the Rev. Samuel Evans was referred to the synod for advice, but they took it up and issued it by declaring "That Mr. Evans having acted disorderly in dissolving the pastoral relation between himself and his people, having travelled to England again and again, without any certificates by way of recommendation to the churches in that part of the world, and having in other things acted, from time to time, in a manner unsuitable to his character as a minister, we

disown him as a member of this synod until he give us satisfaction by a return to his duty, and amend his life and conduct."

In 1753, a minister from Ireland, who had been censured by the presbytery in his own country, applied directly to the synod to be allowed to preach in their congregations. This application was refused. Three years afterwards, however, an application was made by a particular congregation for his services, to which the synod replied, "that they found it necessary to wait until they received an answer from the synod in Ireland; but resolved, that as he had offered satisfaction to that synod by our mediation, and had behaved himself so as to be well approved as a minister among us, if either the synod of Ireland send us no answer, or inform us that they have accepted his submission, we do order Messrs. Black and Craig to receive him as a member, and install him; provided they find his conduct in that part of Christ's vineyard such as becomes a gospel minister." This appointment for some reason was not fulfilled, as the following year "a supplication was received from Cook's Creek, and Peeked Mountain, requesting that we would receive Mr. Alexander Miller as a member, and that at his installation he be appointed as their pastor in the Lord. The synod, it is added, unanimously agreed to receive him as a member, and ordered that Mr. Craig instal him sometime before the first of August next." All this was done without the intervention of a presbytery.

The way in which the synod most frequently interfered in the immediate government of the churches, was by the appointment of correspondents to sit with a presbytery, either with or without their previous consent. Thus, in 1752, a petition, apparently from a church member, was received and referred "to the presbytery of Donegal, together with Messrs. McDowell, Cathcart, Griffiths, and Steel, as correspondents from the presbytery of Newcastle, to meet at Octarara the second Tuesday in August; and it was ordered, that Mr. Boyd's session give notice to all parties concerned."

In 1753, the presbytery of Newcastle "applied to the synod, that whereas Mr. Hector Alison had laid certain grievances before them, and sued for a dismission from his pastoral charge; and as the affair appeared to be of great importance, and required a final decision at their next meeting, they humbly requested that the synod would join some of the other members out of the other presbyteries with them, to judge of that affair, and that said presbytery, with said correspondents, be appointed to act as a commission of the synod, and in that capacity judge that affair. The synod," it is added, "granted the request, and accordingly appointed Messrs. Boyd, Tate, and Smith, to meet with the presbytery of Newcastle on the first Tuesday of August next, at New London, for that purpose, and further, enjoined the said presbytery to give timely notice to Mr. Alison's congregation of the design of the said meeting."

Some misunderstanding having occurred between the presbyteries of Philadelphia and Newcastle as to whose duty it was to ordain Mr. Kinkead, neither finding it convenient to attend, the synod decided, "that, inasmuch as the congregations of the Great Valley and Norrington, properly belong to the presbytery of Philadelphia, that the said presbytery should attend the trials and ordination of Mr. Kinkead, and lest a delay might be occasioned by the paucity and distance of the members of the presbytery of Philadelphia, Mr. Cathcart, (of the presbytery of Newcastle,) was ordered to correspond with the said presbytery as an assistant." Upon an application from the presbytery of Newcastle, in 1754, it was "ordered, that Messrs. Boyd and Smith sit with them until the next meeting of the synod, and be excused from attending Donegal presbytery further than they think it convenient; and that Mr. Kinkead correspond with them in August next."

The synod in the exercise of its supervisory care over the churches, and its own members, frequently insisted upon a more punctual attendance upon its own meetings. In 1746, it is recorded, "that the synod finding several of their ministers absent, from year to year, and particularly some members of

the presbytery of Donegal, cannot look upon such conduct otherwise than as irregular and of dangerous consequences; and do therefore order that every presbytery inform their respective members thereof, and that the synod expects some reasons of such absence, and better attendance hereafter." A similar order, in reference to the distant members in Virginia, was made in 1747; and, in 1748, it was ordered, "that the presbytery of Donegal write to Virginia, to let the ministers know that we expect one of their members yearly to attend the synod, that we may know the state of the churches." In 1754, "it was observed, that Messrs. Black and Craig have neglected attending on the synod for some considerable time, and it was ordered that Mr. McDowell write to those brethren, and signify to them that the synod expects that they either attend or write; and that, in case of failure, the synod will be obliged to disown them as members."

Whenever any infraction of the constitution occurred, the synod were in the habit of interposing to censure or rectify the irregularity. In 1752, "the synod having deliberately considered the affair of Mr. Alison's removal to Philadelphia, referred to them by the presbytery of Newcastle, judged that the method he used is contrary to the presbyterian plan; yet, considering that the circumstances which urged him to take the method he used, were very pressing, and that it was indeed almost impracticable for him to apply for the consent of presbytery or synod in the ordinary way; and further, being persuaded that Mr. Alison's being employed in such a station in the academy has a favourable aspect in several respects, and a very probable tendency not only to promote the good of the public, but also of the church, as he may be serviceable to the interests thereof in teaching philosophy or divinity, as far as his obligations to the academy permit; we judge his proceedings in the said affair, are in a good measure excusable. Withal the synod advises that, for the future its members be very cautious, and guard against such proceedings as are contrary to our known and approved methods in such cases."

It appears from the minutes for 1755, that some sessions had refused to allow the annual collections to be taken up in their churches: whereupon the synod resolved, "that as it is a synodical appointment it is inconsistent with our church government to be under the check of a church session. They, indeed, may give or withhold their charity, but may not prevent a minister from proposing it publicly according to our appointment. Ordered, likewise, that every presbytery take care of the conduct of their members, how they observe this appointment previous to their coming to the synod, and that they gather the collection from absent members."

Not unfrequently the synod was called upon to decide casuistical questions. For example, a young man having promised marriage to a young woman, was desirous to be freed from his engagement, but the young woman, though willing to release him, scrupled the lawfulness of doing so. The question was, therefore, submitted to the synod, "Whether a single man and woman having promised marriage to each other, may lawfully agree again to release each other from the promise? and after mature consideration the synod resolved the case, that it was lawful: nemine contradicente." The young man in question, however, was called before the synod, and publicly rebuked, in order, as it is said, "to show our detestation of such rash proceedings."

In 1751, the question came up from the session of the church at Neshaminy, by a reference from the presbytery of Philadelphia, Whether a young man to whom an illegitimate child had been imputed upon the oath of the mother, but who denied the charge, and in a civil trial had been acquitted by a jury, might be admitted to church privileges? It was decided that he might.

In the presbytery of Donegal, the marriage of a man with a niece of his former wife was declared null and void, and separation and confession of sin enjoined. That presbytery was in the habit of pronouncing divorces, as

far as marriage was a religious bond, referring the parties, however, to the civil authorities for the dissolution of the civil contract between them.

The period of which we are now speaking, as already stated, was a season of great uneasiness and distress. In Pennsylvania there was almost a continued controversy between the assembly and the proprietary government, which operated greatly to the injury of the colony, which was at the same time the theatre of many of the disasters attending the French and Indian wars. To these events repeated allusion is made in the proceedings of the synod. In 1755, it is recorded, "the synod having taken into consideration the prevailing iniquity which abounds in our land, and the many tokens of the Divine displeasure we are under, being threatened with a dangerous war, left to manifold divisions and confusions in church and state, and the rain from heaven restrained, to the great damage of the fruits of the earth; do, therefore agree, that the 12th day of June be observed as a day of fasting and humiliation through all our bounds, to bewail our sins and the sins of our land, to deprecate the divine displeasure which we deserve, and implore God to remove these tokens of his anger, and save us from the strokes we now feel, fear, and deserve."

Again, in 1757, it is said, "the synod having taken under serious consideration the melancholy state of the British dominions, and of their allies, the danger of the protestant interest in general, and particularly of the English colonies of America, arising from the formidable combination of antichristian powers in Europe, and the shocking depredations and barbarities of the heathen on our borders, influenced and abetted by the perfidious, restless enemies of our civil and religious liberties; as also the abounding profanity and wickedness of all ranks and degrees of men; the awful contempt cast upon the glorious gospel of Christ, not only by the professed infidelity of its open adversaries, but also by the unbelief, hypocrisy, and uncharitableness, and loose practices of its professed friends; and being deeply sensible of, and affected with, the ungrateful abuse and

misimprovement of the many privileges we have enjoyed; our peace, plenty, and liberty having been turned into wantonness, pride, and licentiousness; and being firmly persuaded that for these things God is testifying his displeasure against us, both at home and abroad, by a calamitous war, in which we are involved, while an amazing insensibility generally prevails under the present gloomy appearances of divine Providence, and a want of public spirit and zeal for the common good, do, for these and the like reasons, recommend the twenty-third day of June next to be observed by the people belonging to the synod, as a day of public humiliation, fasting, and prayer, throughout their bounds, to bewail our aggravated and crying sins, to deprecate the deserved wrath of heaven, and to implore the divine mercy and forgiveness, that the Spirit of grace may be poured out upon us, that as a people we may turn unto the Lord by a sincere repentance; that God would preserve and bless our gracious king, direct his counsels, go forth with his fleets and armies, also with those of his allies, and crown them with success; that he would guard and defend our seacoasts and frontiers against all the designs of our enemies; that he would preserve to us our invaluable liberties, both civil and religious; that he would yet bless us with fruitful seasons, mercifully heal our divisions, and cause our present confusions happily to terminate in the glorious advancement of the peaceful kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. Accordingly, it is ordered, that our ministers represent these things to the people under our care, and excite them to these solemn exercises; and, for that end, suit their sermons and prayers on that day to the important occasion."

SYNOD OF NEW YORK

Immediately after the schism in 1741, as stated in a preceding chapter, the brethren excluded from the synod of Philadelphia, formed themselves into two presbyteries, those of New Brunswick and of Londonderry, afterwards called the presbytery of Newcastle, and resolved to meet annually as a

synod. This they did, though under the designation of "conjunct presbytery." The name synod was not assumed until the presbytery of New York united with these brethren in the formation of the synod of New York, which met for the first time at Elizabethtown, September 19, 1745. There were twentytwo ministers present at that meeting. The ministers and elders thus assembled "considered and agreed upon the following articles as the plan and foundation of their synodical union."

"1. They agree that the Westminster Confession of Faith, with the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, be the public confession of their faith, in such manner as was agreed unto by the synod of Philadelphia in the year 1729, and to be inserted in the latter end of this book. And they declare their approbation of the Directory of the assembly of divines at Westminster, as the general plan of worship and discipline.

"2. They agree that in matters of discipline, and in those things that relate to the peace and good order of our churches, they shall be determined according to the major vote of the ministers and elders; with which vote every member shall actively concur or pacifically acquiesce; but if any member cannot in conscience agree to the determination of the majority, but supposes himself obliged to act contrary thereunto, and the synod think themselves obliged to insist upon it as essentially necessary to the wellbeing of our churches, in that case, such dissenting member promises peaceably to withdraw from the body, without endeavouring to raise any dispute or contention upon the debated point, or any unjust alienation of affection from them.

"3. If any member of their body supposes that he has any thing to object against any of his brethren, with respect to error in doctrine, immorality in life, or negligence in his ministry, he shall not, on any account, propagate the scandal, until the person objected against is dealt with according to the rules of the gospel, and the known methods of their discipline.

"4. They agree that all who have a competent degree of ministerial knowledge, are orthodox in their doctrine, regular in their life, and diligent in their endeavours to promote the important designs of vital godliness, and that will submit to their discipline, shall be cheerfully admitted into their communion. And they do also agree, that in order to avoid all divisive methods among their ministers and congregations, and to strengthen the discipline of Christ in the churches in these parts, they will maintain a correspondence with the synod of Philadelphia, in this their first meeting, by appointing two of their members to meet the said synod of Philadelphia at their next convention, and to concert with them such measures as may best promote the precious interests of Christ's kingdom in these parts. And that they may, in no respect, encourage any factious, separating practices or principles, they agree that they will not intermeddle with judicially hearing the complaints, or with supplying with ministers or candidates such parties of men, as shall separate from any presbyterian or congregational churches, that are not within their bounds, unless the matters in controversy be submitted to their jurisdiction by both parties."

No one at all acquainted with the history of the schism can fail to remark that these articles were intended to guard against the occurrence of a similar unhappy division. The principal ostensible causes of the rupture, were disregarding the acts of synod, the public denunciation of ministers in good standing, and the dividing of congregations. As to all these points, Mr. Gilbert Tennent and his immediate friends, had ever been in a small minority. It was their zeal for practical religion, and not their conduct in the matters just specified, which was the ground of sympathy between them and their numerous associates in the formation of a new synod. There is little doubt that Mr. Tennent assented to these articles as readily as any man; for it was only on the ground of the extraordinary circumstances of the times, that he justified his occasional disregard of the principles which they contain.

This synod founded upon the above truly presbyterian and Christian principles, and embracing so large a portion of the most fervent and able men in the church, rapidly increased in numbers and influence. In 1746, we find the following names of ministers who were not present at the preceding meeting, John Roan, John Bostwick, Thomas Arthur, John Grant, Andrew Hunter, David Brainerd, William Dean, Eleazer Wales. In 1747, the following new names occur: Jacob Green, Nathaniel Tucker, James Campbell, James Davenport, Daniel Laurence, Samuel Sackett, Timothy Sims, Alexander Hutcheson, and Samuel Davies; in 1748, Job Prudden, Thomas Lewis, and Andrew Sterling; in 1749, John Rodgers, Aaron Richards, Caleb Smith, Silas Leonard, Charles McKnight, and the whole presbytery of Suffolk, Long Island. That presbytery applied the preceding year to be taken into communion with synod, and requested to be permitted to attend by delegates. This the synod declined, but offered to receive them upon the same terms as they did other presbyteries. This was acceded to, and Messrs. Ebenezer Prime and James Brown took their seats as members of synod in 1749. The absent members of the presbytery of Suffolk, as then constituted, as far as can be gathered from the minutes, were Silvanus White, Samuel Buel, and Naphtali Dagget. In 1750, the new members reported were Timothy Allen, Israel Read, John Brainard, Elihu Spencer, Daniel Thane, and Enos Ayres; in 1751, John Moffat, Chauncey Graham, Samuel Kennedy, Benjamin Chesnut, Alexander Cummings, Jonathan Elmore, John Campbell, John Todd, and Hugh Henry; in 1752, Conrad Wurtz, Robert Smith, and James Finly; in 1753, Evander Morrison, Samuel Harker, Alexander Creaghead, (who, it seems, had left the Seceders and returned to the Presbyterian Church,) Joseph Park, and Robert Henry; in 1754, John Smith, Nehemiah Greenman, Henry Martin, John Maltby, Eliphalet Ball, and John Wright; in 1755, Hugh Knox, John Brown, and John Hoge; in 1756, Nathaniel Whitaker, Benjamin Hait, Benjamin Talmage, Abner Reeves, Moses Tuttle, and John Harris; in 1757, William Ramsay, George Duffield, and Hugh McAdams; in 1758, Abraham Kettletas. The whole number of ministers reported as in connexion with the

synod in 1758, the year in which the union with the synod of Philadelphia took place, was seventy two.

In the history of this synod, the first subject to be considered is their missionary labours. In 1745, at their first meeting, the circumstances of Virginia were brought before them, and the opinion unanimously expressed that Mr. Robinson was the proper person to visit that colony. He was accordingly earnestly pressed to go and spend some months there. Mr. Robinson had already, as mentioned in a previous chapter, preached in Virginia with great acceptance and success in 1743, having been sent thither by the presbytery of New Brunswick. In 1746, a supplication for a minister was presented to the synod from Hanover, in Virginia, which was referred to the presbyteries of Newcastle and New Brunswick. Before Mr. Robinson's visit to Virginia, in 1743, besides the numerous presbyterian emigrants who had settled in what were then the western portions of the colony, there were four or five families in Hanover, who had separated from the established church, and were accustomed to celebrate public worship among themselves. For this little company Mr. Robinson preached repeatedly during a stay of four days in their neighbourhood. After his departure they made repeated applications for supplies to the presbytery of Newcastle, who sent them several ministers at different times during four years, who stayed with them two or three sabbaths at a time. During this period they were also visited by Messrs. G. and W. Tennent of the presbytery of New Brunswick. The number of dissenters in and about Hanover had, by this time, so much increased, that in 1747, when Mr. Davies was first sent to them by the presbytery of Newcastle, in compliance with their earnest request, he "found them sufficiently numerous to form one very large congregation or two small ones; and they had built five meetinghouses, three in Hanover, one in Henrico, and one in Louisa county." They presented a most earnest call before the presbytery for Mr. Davies to settle among them as their pastor, which he accepted in 1748. The labours of this eminent man "were very successful in every part of the

country where he itinerated, much more so than he supposed; for to this day, (1799,) we find many seals of his ministry scattered up and down the country wherever he preached; and there are few congregations in this presbytery, (Hanover,) that may not acknowledge that he was in a great measure their founder."

In 1748, the synod sent Mr. Cumming to Augusta county, and Mr. Hunter to the lower counties in Virginia, to spend four sabbaths. In 1749, Mr. Davenport was directed to visit Virginia, and in 1750, the presbytery of New Brunswick was urged to send Mr. Todd, and the presbytery of New York Messrs. Syms and Greenman to the same field of labour. The synod also renewed the appointment of Mr. Davenport. In 1751, "the distressing circumstances of Virginia," were again brought before the synod, who appointed Mr. Greenman to go there and supply the congregations for some time. The same year Mr. Davies requested, that an account relating to the dissenting interests in Virginia, should be sent to England, and Messrs. Burr and Pemberton were appointed to prepare a representation of the circumstances of the presbyterian congregations in that colony, to be forwarded to Drs. Doddridge and Avery.

As the Church of England was early established in Virginia, the presbyterians were there legally in the position of dissenters. The colonial assembly had passed a law adopting the English toleration act as a law of the colony. It was on this ground, and not on that of its original enactment, that Mr. Davies and other presbyterians recognised its authority and complied with its provisions. This is distinctly stated in a letter from Mr. Davies to Dr. Avery of London, dated, May 21, 1752. "I am fully satisfied," he says, "that, as you intimate, the act of uniformity and other penal laws against non-conformity, are not in force in the colonies; and consequently that the dissenters have no right, nor indeed any need to plead the act of toleration as an exemption from those penal laws. But, Sir, our legislature here has passed an act of the same kind with those laws, (though the penalty

is less,) requiring all adult persons to attend on the established church. As this act was passed since the revolution, it was necessary that protestant dissenters should be exempted from its operation, and tolerated to worship God in separate assemblies, (though indeed at the time of its enaction, viz: the fourth of Queen Anne, there was not a dissenting congregation, except a few Quakers, in the colony,) and for this our legislature thought fit to take in the act of parliament made for that end in England, rather than to pass a new one peculiar to this colony. This, Sir, you may see in my remonstrance to the governor and council, which I find has been laid before you. Now it is with a view to exempt ourselves from the operation of the above law, made by our legislature, that we plead the act of toleration, and we plead it not as an English law, for we are persuaded that it does not extend hither by virtue of its original enaction, but as received into the body of the Virginia laws by our legislature. And though some pretended to scruple, and others denied that the act of toleration is in force here, even in this sense, yet now I think it is generally granted." A difference of opinion, however arose, as to the meaning of the act. The episcopalians were naturally desirous to restrict the privileges granted by it within the narrowest limits, and therefore contended that the law did not permit the same congregation to have more than one meeting-house, or the same minister to officiate for more than one congregation. In a letter written from Virginia to the bishop of London, July 27, 1750, it is made a matter of complaint, that "seven meeting-houses, in five different counties, have been licensed by the general court, for Mr. Samuel Davies;" and, the writer adds, "I earnestly entreat the favour of your lordship's opinion, whether in licensing so many houses for one man they have not granted a greater indulgence than either the king's instructions, or the act of toleration, intended." He further complains of Mr. Davies' "holding forth on working days to great numbers of poor people, who generally are his followers. This certainly is inconsistent with the religion of labour, whereby they are obliged to maintain themselves and families; and their neglect of this duty, if not seasonably prevented, may, in process of time, be sensibly felt by the government." In his reply, dated London,

December 25, 1750, the bishop says, "As to Davies' case, as far as I can judge, your attorney general, (Peyton Randolph, Esq.) is quite in the right, for the act of toleration confines the preacher to a particular place to be certified and entered." It was "intended," he adds, "to permit dissenters to worship in their own way, and to exempt them from penalties, but it was never intended to permit them to set up itinerant preachers to gather congregations where there was none before. They are, by the act of William and Mary, to qualify in the county where they live, and how Davies can be said to live in five different counties, they who granted the license must explain." As Dr. Doddridge was a friend of the bishop of London, Mr. Davies wrote to him an account of his circumstances, and requesting him to communicate to the bishop a correct representation of the case. Dr. Doddridge inclosed to the bishop a large part of Mr. Davies' letter, and received an answer, dated May 11, 1751, containing the above extracts from the letter from Virginia, with the bishop's reply, as containing his opinion on the matter in dispute, and adds, "If the act of toleration was desired with no other view than to ease the consciences of those who could not conform, and if it was granted with no other view, how must Mr. Davies' conduct be justified? who, under colour of a toleration to his own conscience, is labouring to disturb the consciences of others, and the peace of a church, acknowledged to be a true church of Christ. He came three hundred miles from home, not to serve people who had scruples, but to a country where the church of England had been established from its first plantation, and where there were not above four or five dissenters not above six years ago. Mr. Davies says, in his letter to you, 'we claim no other liberties than those granted by the act of toleration,' so that the state of the question is admitted, on both sides, to be this, How far the act of toleration will justify Mr. Davies in taking upon himself to be an itinerant preacher, and travelling over many counties, and making converts in a country too, where, till very lately, there was not a dissenter from the church of England?" Dr. Doddridge sent the bishop's letter, with its enclosures, or copies of them, to Mr. Davies, who wrote a long communication to the bishop, in which he

corrected his misapprehensions as to matters of fact, and showed the reasonableness of the claims which the presbyterians had set up. He shows him that, so far from his volunteering to make dissenters where there were none before, when he first came to Virginia, they were sufficiently numerous to form a large congregation, and that he came and settled among them at their own earnest request. If they had still further increased, it was not from a spirit of proselytism on his part, for "I beg leave to declare," he says, "and I defy the world to confute me, that in all the sermons I have preached in Virginia, I have not wasted one minute in exclaiming or reasoning against the peculiarities of the established church, nor so much as assigned the reasons of my own non-conformity." Those, therefore, who had joined the presbyterian church since his settlement in Virginia, had done so not because of his efforts to make dissenters, but because of their preference for his doctrines and preaching. And in thus acting they had violated no law. These remarks were made in reference to his own immediate congregation; as to other presbyterians equally interested in the points in debate, they had been born and educated in the presbyterian church, and had emigrated to Virginia, greatly to its advantage, in the confidence of enjoying the free exercise of their religion. And to this latter class the great majority of the presbyterians within the colony belonged. He further showed, that it was not only reasonable in itself, but perfectly consistent with the law and with usage, for a congregation, too widely scattered to be able conveniently to assemble in one place, to erect several houses of worship for their accommodation. This was done in all the large parishes connected with the established church, and the presbyterians claimed, under the law, the right of doing the same thing.

It was in the midst of the controversy on this subject that Mr. Davies applied for the support of the synod in the manner stated in the minutes for the year 1751. This subject long continued to be a matter of difficulty. In 1753, a representation was again made to the synod "of the illegal restraints the protestant dissenters lie under in Virginia, as to their religious liberties;"

and a committee was appointed to draw up a representation to be sent to England with Mr. Davies.

Notwithstanding these obstacles the presbyterian church continued to increase in the southern provinces, and the synod almost yearly sent one or more of their number to preach the gospel in that portion of our country. In 1754, Messrs. Beatty, Bostwick, Lewis, and Thane, were appointed to go to the south, particularly to North Carolina, for three months. In 1755, Messrs. Brainard and Spencer were sent to North Carolina, and Mr. Clark to Virginia. In 1756, Messrs. Duffield, Ramsay, Brainard, and Rodgers were directed to go to the south before the winter, and Messrs. Whitaker and Hait to spend four months there. These appointments, however, as appears from the minutes for the following year, were not fulfilled. In 1757, the appointment of Mr. Hait was renewed, and the presbyteries of Newcastle and Hanover were directed each to send another missionary. In 1758, the presbytery of New Brunswick was directed to send a candidate to North Carolina, and the presbytery of Suffolk was earnestly recommended to send Mr. Brush to the same important vacancies. As so large a portion of the duty of supplying the new settlements was devolved upon the presbyteries, the above notices exhibit but a small part of the missionary labours of this synod.

Our fathers were not altogether inattentive to the religious instruction of the aboriginal inhabitants of the country. In 1751, "the exigencies of the great affair of propagating the gospel among the heathen being represented to the synod, the synod, in order to promote so important a design do enjoin upon all their members to appoint a collection in their several congregations, once a year, to be applied for that purpose; and that the money thus collected be sent yearly to the synod." In 1752, it was ordered that the proceeds of the collections in behalf of the Indians, be placed in the hands of Mr. Brainard. In 1755, Mr. Gilbert Tennent reported that he had received two hundred pounds sterling, from England, for propagating the gospel

among the Indians, which, agreeably to the directions of the donor, were to be placed in the hands of the trustees of the college of New Jersey, and the interest to be employed in supporting a missionary, or school-master, or for the education of a heathen youth in the college, or of a young man of English or Scotch extraction as a teacher among the Indians; the synod of New York to determine, from time to time, to which of these purposes the money was to be appropriated.

The synod was scarcely less zealous for the promotion of learning, than they were in behalf of religion. They had not indeed any public seminary immediately under their direction, but the college at Princeton really owed its existence to their efforts. It appears from the records of the province, that "a charter to incorporate sundry persons to found a college, passed the great seal of the province of New Jersey, tested by J. Hamilton, Esq., president of his majesty's council and commander in chief of the province of New Jersey, the 22d of October, 1746." As this character was never recorded, neither its provisions, nor the names of the trustees created by it, are now known. It was not acceptable to those who asked for it, and was therefore surrendered for another obtained in 1748, from George the second, through the agency of Governor Belcher. It was under the former charter that Mr. Dickinson acted as president of the college until his death in 1747, when he was succeeded by Mr. Burr, who acted in that capacity until 1757. The college, no doubt, owed much of its early prosperity to Gov. Belcher, a religious, able, and accomplished man, to whom the trustees often expressed their obligations. On one occasion they addressed him in the following language: "As the college of New Jersey views you in the light of its founder, patron, and benefactor, and the impartial world will esteem it a respect deservedly due to the name of Belcher, permit us to dignify the edifice now erecting at Princeton with that endeared appellation; and when your excellency is translated to a house not made with hands eternal in the heavens, let Belcher-Hall proclaim your beneficent acts for the advancement of Christianity and the emolument of the arts and science to

the latest generations." This honour the Governor modestly declined, and proposed the name of Nassau-Hall, in proof of the honour we retain in this remote part of the globe to the immortal memory of the glorious King William the third, who was a branch of the illustrious house of Nassau, and who, under God, was the great deliverer of the British nation from those two monstrous furies, popery and slavery."

Though the college was greatly indebted to Gov. Belcher, it was nevertheless the child of the synod. All the clerical members of the board of the trustees belonged to the synod, except Mr. David Cowell, who was a member of the synod of Philadelphia. The funds also which founded and sustained the institution, were collected by the efforts of the same body. In 1751, the trustees requested that the Rev. Mr. Pemberton might be appointed to go to Europe to solicit benefactions for the college, and the synod accordingly commissioned Messrs. Burr, Treat, William Tennent, and Davies, to proceed at once to New York to arrange the matter with Mr. Pemberton and his congregation. This committee subsequently reported that they had failed in accomplishing the object of their mission. In 1752, a general collection was appointed in behalf of the college, and it was "ordered that all other collections before appointed, be suspended on that account."

In 1753, the trustees of the college petitioned the synod to send two of their number to Great Britain to solicit benefactions on its behalf. This request led to the appointment of Messrs. Gilbert Tennent and Samuel Davies, who were made the bearers of an address to the general assembly in Scotland. In this address the synod state that the college had already been the means of educating a number of youth then engaged in the service of the church; that after all that could be done in this country, its resources were entirely inadequate, and the trustees were, therefore, constrained through them to appeal to their friends in Europe for aid. The synod believing the object to be of the utmost importance to the interests of religion and learning in this

infant country, proceeded to lay before the assembly a general representation of the deplorable circumstances of the churches under their care. "There are," it is added, "in the colonies of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina, a great number of congregations formed on the presbyterian plan, which have put themselves under the synodical care of your petitioners, who conform to the constitution of the Church of Scotland, and have adopted her standards of doctrine, worship, and discipline. There are also large settlements lately planted in various parts, particularly in North and South Carolina, where multitudes are extremely anxious for the ministrations of the gospel, but who are not formed into congregations and regularly organized for want of ministers." These numerous calls the synod state they are utterly unable to satisfy, and that their only hope of being able to meet these demands is founded on the college of New Jersey, upon which the presbyterians in the six colonies above mentioned must depend. Your petitioners, therefore," say the synod, "most earnestly pray that this very reverend assembly would afford the said college all the countenance and assistance in their power. The young daughter of the church of Scotland, helpless and exposed in this foreign land, cries to her tender and powerful parent for relief. The cries of ministers oppressed with labours, and of congregations famishing for want of the sincere milk of the word, implore assistance. And were the poor Indian savages sensible of their own case, they would join in the cry and beg for more missionaries to be sent to propagate the religion of Jesus among them." As Mr. Tennent and Mr. Davies were not the agents of the synod, they made no report to that body of the success of their mission. That it was, however, by no means inconsiderable, may be inferred not only from the vote of thanks rendered to the general assembly for their assistance,2 but from the address of the trustees to Gov. Belcher, in which they said, that the contributions obtained from England and Scotland had "amply enabled them to erect a convenient edifice for the accommodation of the students, and to lay a foundation for a fund for the support of the necessary instructers." Of the sums received by Messrs. Tennent and

Davies, there were £307 sterling given for the education of indigent young men for the ministry, the interest only of which was to be used; and the further sum of £50, the principal of which was to be applied to the same purpose. This money was given to the trustees of the college, the synod having the right to examine and select the young men who were to receive the benefit of it. The synod had, at an earlier date, (1751,) recommended that "an annual collection for the support of young students whose circumstances rendered them unable to maintain themselves at learning, and for other charitable purposes."

The facts above detailed sufficiently prove the intimate connexion between the synod and the college of New Jersey, and show that the synod of New York was not less zealous in the cause of learning, than that of Philadelphia.

It has been proved in an earlier chapter of this work, that the synod of New York adopted the same standard of doctrine as the synod of Philadelphia, and that there was no dispute between the two bodies as to that point. With regard to their form of government, it was no less strictly presbyterian than that of the other synod. The Directory was as much the constitution of the one body as it was of the other.3 In the address to the general assembly of the church of Scotland, just quoted, the synod declare they had adopted her standards of doctrine, worship, and discipline; a declaration which admits but of one interpretation. In 1751, the following minute was adopted on this subject: "The synod being informed of certain misrepresentations concerning the constitution, order, and discipline of our churches industriously spread by some of the members of the Dutch congregations interspersed among, or bordering upon us, with design to prevent occasional or constant communion of their members with our churches; to obviate all such misrepresentations, and to cultivate a good understanding between us and our brethren of the Dutch churches, we do hereby declare and testify our constitution, order, and discipline, to be in harmony with the established church of Scotland. The Westminster Confession, Catechisms,

and Directory, for public worship and church government, adopted by them, are in like manner received and adopted by us. We declare ourselves united with that church in the same faith, order, and discipline. Its approbation and countenance we have abundant testimonies of. They, as brethren, receive us, and their members we, as opportunity offers, receive as ours. And as the church of Scotland, and the Reformed churches abroad, agreeable to the Geneva platform, hold a ready and free communion with each other, so we desire the same with our brethren of the Dutch and French churches interspersed amongst and bordering upon us."

Mr. Davies in his letter to the bishop of London, says: "If I am prejudiced in favour of any church, my Lord, it is of that established in Scotland; of which I am a member in the same sense that the established church in Virginia is the church of England." As all the ministers of the episcopal church in this country received, at that day, ordination from the English bishops, and were under the episcopal supervision of the bishop of London, the above declaration certainly imports a most intimate agreement and fellowship between our church and that of Scotland.

In order, however, to illustrate the true character of this interesting portion of our church, it will be necessary to refer to some of their ecclesiastical acts. The synod exercised a general supervisory and governing power over the congregations and presbyteries; and for this purpose revised the records of inferior judicatories, and received from them appeals and references. That this examination of the records was a proper judicial inspection, is evident from such minutes as the following: "The New York presbytery book brought, revised, and approved, except a paragraph on page 149, on which the synod has not light to determine."

The cases of reference of judicial matters to the synod for decision are very numerous. In 1750, the presbytery of New Brunswick referred the case of the congregation of Tehicken, or Tinicum. It appears that the people were

divided in opinion as to the proper location of their place of worship, and therefore agreed to decide the matter by lot. The disappointed party, however, refused to abide by the decision, on the ground that it had been unfairly obtained. The synod censured both parties for resorting to the lot; but as, in their judgment, it had been fairly cast, they decided that the recusants had acted very sinfully in refusing to abide by it, and therefore "ordered that a solemn admonition be administered unto them, by Mr. Pemberton, in the name of the synod, which was accordingly done."

In 1752, a reference was brought in from the presbytery of New York, relating to the congregation in that city, "and the plea of all parties having been heard," the synod came to the following conclusions, viz.

"1. That the building, grounds, &c. conveyed from the general assembly of the church of Scotland, to the presbyterian society in New York, belong to presbyterians without distinction of name or nation, who conform to the general plan of the church of Scotland, as practised by the synod of New York.

"2. That it is not inconsistent with the presbyterian plan of government, nor with the institution of our Lord Jesus Christ, that trustees, or a committee chosen by the congregation, should have the disposal and management of the public money raised by the said congregation, to the uses for which it was designed; provided they leave in the hands, and to the management of the deacons, what is collected for the Lord's table, and the poor. And that ministers of the gospel, by virtue of their office, have no right to sit with, and preside over, such trustees or committee.

"3. That it appears to the synod, that the trustees of said church have faithfully discharged the trust reposed in them, with respect to its temporalities, much to its advantage.

"4. That as to the articles of complaint brought against Mr. Cumming, it appears to the synod, that he has been necessarily hindered from performing his part in public service, by his low state of health, but they judge it his duty to discharge it according to his call when his health will admit, and when he is disabled, he should desire Mr. Pemberton to officiate in his room. That his insisting on a right to sit with the trustees in their conventions about the temporal affairs of the congregation, was not a violation of his ordination vows, which respect only the work of the ministry, although they judge he acted imprudently in so doing. That he is to be commended for insisting on persons praying in their families who present their children for baptism; but inasmuch as it appears expedient that the same form of covenanting should be used in the same church, the synod do therefore recommend it to Mr. Pemberton and Mr. Cumming to consult with the committee hereafter to be mentioned, about a form that they can both agree in.

"5. That the church proceed as soon as may be, to the choice of elders to join with their ministers in the government and discipline of the church, and that the committee hereafter to be appointed, do nominate the persons to be chosen, and determine the number.

"6. That as to the methods taken to introduce a new version of the Psalms in public worship, the synod judge it to be disorderly and always to be discountenanced, when the parties in matters in debate in a church do carry about private subscriptions.

"7. That as to the introduction of a new version of the Psalms, the synod hath not light at present to determine, but do empower the committee to recommend Dr. Watts' version, if upon observation of circumstances, they think it proper.

"And the synod do appoint the Reverend Messrs. Samuel Davies, Samuel Finley, and Charles Beatty, to be a committee to go immediately to New

York, and direct and assist the presbyterian congregation of New York in such affairs as may contribute to their peace and edification." This committee met, agreeably to appointment, and executed their somewhat extraordinary mission in selecting and nominating two elders, but decided that it was not expedient "judicially to recommend a change in the version of the Psalms, lest the animosities in the congregation should be the more inflamed."

Sometimes the affairs of a congregation were brought before the synod without the intervention of a presbytery. Thus in 1753, Mr. Pemberton and others of the congregation of New York, made a representation of the painful divisions existing in that church, and requested the intervention of the synod. Whereupon William Tennent, Samuel Davies, Aaron Burr, Caleb Smith, David Bostwick, Elihu Spencer, Richard Treat, Charles Beatty, and John Rodgers, were appointed a committee to meet at New York, "with full power and authority to transact such things with respect to said congregation, as they shall judge necessary for the healing of its divisions, and the best interests of religion therein."

When this committee met, a paper containing a statement of the grievances of which a part of the congregation complained, was laid before them, on which they gave the following judgment:

"1. As to the first article complaining of the neglect of ministerial visits, and examining into the lives and conversation of the people; it appears from the representation made by Mr. Pemberton, that he has made conscience of his duty in these respects, though of late he has, by reason of the divisions subsisting among his people, desisted from it, we therefore earnestly recommend his persisting in that important part of his ministerial lalours; and that he be not discouraged by any disagreeable appearances among them.

"2. As to the third article against the session concerning the new version of the Psalms, the committee cannot think it regular for the ministers and elders to introduce a new version, without the express consent and approbation of the majority of the congregation; yet since Dr. Watts' version is introduced into this church, and is well adapted for Christian worship, and received by many presbyterian congregations both in America and Great Britain; they cannot but judge it best for the well-being of the congregation, under their present circumstances, that they should be continued.

"3. As to the fourth article complaining of the neglect of the Westminster Confession, and not recommending of it in baptism, the committee conceive that the vote of the synod, as to the latter, is sufficient; and Mr. Pemberton's declaring his high approbation of said Confession, and publicly teaching the Westminster Catechisms, ought to be satisfying to all.

"4. As to praying at the burial of the dead, since it is not practised but at the request of those concerned, and all are left at liberty to request it or not, the committee think it no just matter of offence, especially as it is frequently practised by the presbyterian ministers in this country, and the reasons for which the general assembly, in the early times of the reformation from popery, prohibited it, are now evidently ceased.

"5. As to singing anthems, &c. though the committee cannot disapprove of them at proper seasons, yet lest it should tend to take off the minds of the people from the important things which they have heard in the house of God, and as it seems matter of conscience to some, the committee judge it advisable to forbear the practice on the Lord's day.

"6. As to the article complaining of injurious and contemptuous treatment, the committee are much grieved to find that there has been so much of it on both sides during the unhappy disputes that have subsisted among them, and do earnestly recommend mutual forgiveness, forbearance, and

moderation towards one another, as the most likely method to promote peace and unanimity among them."

This minute throws no little light upon the causes of the difficulties in that congregation. It shows that one portion of the people, with characteristic pertinacity and scrupulousness, were for adhering to "the rules and methods" of that church of which they all professed to be a "dispersion;" while another portion treated these scruples with very little forbearance. The version of the Psalms was changed without the consent of the people, and even anthems were sung after sermon on the Sabbath. They might as well have said mass, and expect the Scotch presbyterians of that day to join in the service. If they wished to drive the Scotch from "the Scotch church," this was certainly the proper method to do it, but it was not the way to obtain peace. With our imperfect knowledge of the circumstances, it is impossible to judge on which party the blame should principally be laid, but it appears from the above minute, that the rulers of the congregation did not act on the principles so strenuously inculcated by the apostle of the gentiles. "If thy brother be grieved with thy meat, now walkest thou not charitably. Destroy not him with thy meat, for whom Christ died."

After the committee had rendered the decision above recorded, Messrs. Pemberton and Cumming requested to be dismissed from their pastoral relation to the church. The former assigned as the grounds of his request the divisions among the people, the appearance of dissatisfaction with himself, and the little prospect of his being useful among them; the latter urged particularly the low state of his health. A number of gentlemen in behalf of others, earnestly remonstrated against the removal of Mr. Pemberton, and the committee decided "he should be allowed a month's trial; and if, upon a faithful endeavour to heal the divisions, and serve the interests of Christ's kingdom among them, he finds all his attempts vain, and still continues his desire of a dismission, they judge it best he should be left at liberty to remove from, or abide with them, as he shall think most consistent with his

duty. As to Mr. Cumming, as no reasons have been offered to the committee against his dismission, the committee do judge from what has appeared to them, and for the reasons urged by him, that his pastoral relation to the presbyterian congregation in New York should be dissolved, and it is dissolved accordingly. It is with pleasure the committee observe that there have been no objections against Mr. Cumming's moral conduct or ministerial labours; they do, therefore, freely recommend him, if God shall please to restore his health, to any Christian congregation where Divine Providence may call him, as a man of eminent ministerial gifts and abilities, and one whom they think in many respects fitted for special service in the church of Christ."

The affairs of this congregation were again brought before the synod in 1755, by a reference from the presbytery of New York concerning the removal of Mr. Bostwick from Jamaica to the church in New York, and settling the order and discipline of that church, which, after much consideration, was referred to a committee to draw up the judgment of the synod thereon. This judgment was to the following effect: 1. That the synod were still of the opinion formerly expressed, that the trustees had faithfully performed their duty; but as the congregation were divided in sentiment as to the propriety of having such a board, and had agreed not to elect them again in that form, the synod approved of that agreement, and judged that if the congregation chose to have a committee to manage their secular affairs, that committee should hereafter be chosen by the ministers, elders, and deacons, with the consent of the people. 2. That as a number of the congregation were much dissatisfied with the constant use of Dr. Watts' Psalms, "the synod determined that the Scotch version be used equally with the other in the stated public worship on the Lord's day." 3. That previously to the administration of baptism, the minister shall inquire into the doctrinal knowledge and regularity of life of the parents, and exhort them to instruct their children in the doctrines and precepts of Christianity as contained in the Scriptures, and comprised in the Westminster Confession and

Catechisms, which he shall recommend unto them. 4. That as complaint had been made of a number assuming the name of the Scotch Presbyterian Society, it shall be deemed irregular and censurable for a part of the congregation to form a party, and to consider themselves a society distinct from the rest. 5. That as to the removal of Mr. Bostwick, the people of Jamaica not having been heard on that affair, the synod were not prepared to decide, but appointed a committee to meet at Jamaica and decide the question. That committee met accordingly, October 29, 1755, but "not having light to come to a full determination of the affair," referred it to the commissioner of the synod; who, after mature deliberation, decided in favour of his removal.

The long continued difficulties in the church in New York, were presented for the last time to the synod in 1756. A paper was read from several members of the congregation, complaining of the grievances under which they supposed themselves to suffer. The synod, after severely censuring the disrespectful terms in which that paper was couched, informed the complainants, "that, by adopting the Westminster Confession we only intended receiving it as a test of orthodoxy in this church, and it is the order of this synod that all who are licensed to preach the gospel, or to become members of any presbytery within our bounds, shall receive the same as the confession of their faith according to our constituting act, which we see no reason to repeal.

"That as to the singing of Dr. Watts' version of the Psalms, though the conduct of the congregation in adhering to them contrary to synodical appointment, without waiting for an opportunity to obtain a repeal of the said appointment was not regular, yet as the said Psalms are orthodox, and as no particular version is inspired, and as the using them is earnestly desired by a great majority of the congregation, contrary to the view we had of the case last year, the synod for the sake of their peace do permit the use of the said version unto them; and determine that this shall be finally

decisive in this affair." They then declare that those who refused to pay their pew rents acted disorderly, and forfeited their pews; that reading in the desk was "a mere indifferency," not contrary to any divine rule, or to the constitution of the church, and therefore not to be altered by authority. As to the other points brought forward in the paper, they had been already decided, to which decisions the synod adhered.

These examples may be deemed sufficient to illustrate the controlling supervision exercised by the synod; and it must be admitted that they exhibit a presbyterianism sufficiently stringent. It was also in the exercise of ordinary synodical jurisdiction that this body received and formed new presbyteries. In 1749, the presbytery of Suffolk, Long Island, was received; in 1751, those members of the presbytery of New Brunswick who resided in Philadelphia, and in New Jersey to the southward of that city, were formed into a new presbytery, and called the presbytery of Abington; in 1755, "the synod appointed the Rev. Samuel Davies, John Todd, Alexander Creaghead, Robert Henry, John Wright, and John Brown, to be a presbytery, under the name of the presbytery of Hanover, and that their first meeting shall be in Hanover, on the first Wednesday of December next, and that Mr. Davies open the said presbytery with a sermon; and that any of their members, (i.e. of the synod,) settling to the southward and westward of Mr. Hoge's congregation, shall have liberty to join the said presbytery."

The synod were sometimes called upon to decide questions either in thesi, or with reference to some special case. Thus, in 1752, we find the following record, "Whereas a certain person pretending at Egg-Harbour to be a minister regularly ordained among presbyterians, and under that character baptised some adults and infants, and it appearing to the synod that his pretences were false, having at that time no license or ordination; it is our opinion that all the gospel ordinances he administered under that false and pretended character, are null and invalid."

In 1753, "it being moved to the synod what they judge necessary as to the form or method to be used in the administration of baptism, the synod do refer to our excellent Directory in that case. It being further moved, whether a church-session hath power to introduce a new version of the Psalms into the congregation to which they belong, without the consent of the majority of the said congregation, it was voted in the negative: nemine contradicente."

The character of this synod is sufficiently plain from its own proceedings, but if it were consistent with the object and limits of this history to bring into view the action of the several presbyteries within its bounds, its thorough presbyterianism would be still more apparent. The records of the presbytery of New Brunswick, for example, furnish as fair a specimen of regular presbyterian government as can be presented by those of any presbytery, at any period in the history of our church. When first constituted, through the abundance of its zeal, it paid little regard to geographical limits, and would receive congregations, or supply them with preaching no matter to what presbytery they properly belonged. After the revival, however, it became remarkably scrupulous on this point; and even as early as 1743, exhibited a very commendable degree of caution in this matter. This is illustrated by its conduct in reference to the church at New Milford, in Connecticut. In the month of April, 1743, at a pro rata meeting of the presbytery, the following record was made: "The special occasion of the present meeting of the presbytery is an application made to some of our members, some time past, from a society in Milford, in New England, by their commissioners, desiring the presbytery to receive them under their care, and also to take Mr. Jacob Johnson, a candidate for the ministry, then preaching to them, under trials, in order to ordination to the gospel ministry among them; and accordingly said members did send to Mr. Jacob Johnson as pieces of trial, that he prepare a sermon on Rom. 8:14, and an exegesis, in Latin, upon this question: An regimen ecclesiae presbyteriale sit Scripturae et rationi congruum? to be delivered to the presbytery at this

time, to sit upon the said occasion. Now the presbytery being met pursuant to the aforementioned occasion and appointment, Mr. Jacob Johnson, together with Mr. Benjamin Fenn, and Mr. George Clerk, commissioners from the aforesaid society in Milford, appeared and moved the presbytery to proceed in their affair as before mentioned. The presbytery do agree to take the matter under consideration, and in order to proceed in the best and clearest manner they can, resolve to inquire in the first place, whether said society be a regular society capable of being received under their care and direction, or not. And after proper inquiry and consideration of the affair, as far and as fully as at present they are able, the presbytery doth judge, that although they cannot presbyterially judge and determine any thing as touching the original reasons and grounds of their separation from the established congregation of that town, not having sufficient evidence to proceed upon in that matter, nor does the presbytery think that matter immediately to lay before them, yet inasmuch as the presbytery find, upon the verbal relation of the aforesaid commissioners, confirmed by several papers containing the narration of their proceedings, that said society is now a separate body of the presbyterian denomination, constituted agreeably to, and under protection of the laws of that colony, and no objections against the present proceedings of the new erected society being offered to the presbytery by the old congregation, though their design was fully known to them, the presbytery therefore cannot see any just reason to reject the motion and request made to them by the said newly erected society of Milford, do unanimously agree to take the said society under their care and government, and do the best they can for them towards their settlement with a minister; and so they are prepared to take the trials of Mr. Jacob Johnson, in order to judge of his qualifications for the sacred office of the ministry among them." The presbytery then proceeded to the examination of Mr. Johnson, and after having made some progress, they determined to stop, and resolved, 1. That the newly erected presbyterian society in Milford is to be deemed a society capable to call and receive a minister for themselves. 2. That the presbytery are grieved for the breach thereby made in the said

town. 3. That it be recommended to the said society to seek a reconciliation with the old society; and that the presbytery do not proceed to the ordination of Mr. Johnson, until these further steps have been taken. 4. That in case the efforts for a union should fail, the society be "allowed" to call and settle a minister, and in the mean time to have supplies from settled ministers and approved candidates. 5. That the Rev. Mr. Treat visit Milford, and gain further information, and make a report to presbytery. In August of the same year, a call was presented from that congregation for Mr. Treat, but his removal being opposed by commissioners from the congregation of Abington, of which he was the pastor, the presbytery decided against his acceptance of the call. The presbytery, however, directed Mr. Samuel Finley to visit Milford, "with allowance that he preach in other places thereabouts, where Providence may open a door for him."3

At a meeting of the presbytery in May, 1744, it is stated, "An important affair was brought before presbytery from the presbyterian society of Milford, New England, the determining of which being of very great consequence, and the conjunct presbytery, (i.e. the united presbyteries of New Brunswick and Newcastle,) being now convened, the presbytery think it not best to proceed in it, but to refer it to the determination of the conjunct presbytery at their present meeting." What this affair was, or what was done in the matter, does not appear from the records. But in 1747, a call from Milford was presented to the presbytery for Mr. Job Prudden, and accepted by him; whereupon the presbytery, after the usual examinations, and the adoption on his part of the Westminster Confession of Faith and Catechisms, proceeded to his ordination.

This presbytery was not less circumspect in the reception of new members. In October, 1743, a request was presented from the congregation of Hopewell, for permission to invite the famous Mr. Davenport to preach for them with a view to his settlement among them. "The presbytery, in order to get light in the matter, thought it their duty to discourse with Mr. Davenport

about several things they had heard of in some parts of his conduct in times past, which they could not approve of, and were pleased to hear Mr. Davenport declare his conviction of, and humiliation for some things he had been faulty in, although there be others which he cannot as yet see and condemn which the presbytery do disapprove of. Whereupon the presbytery cannot see that the way is clear for said people to give Mr. Davenport a call to settle among them; nevertheless that as God has begun to show him his mistakes, he may be pleased to go on in that way, and being willing to use all means to obtain so desirable an end, the presbytery do permit the said people to improve Mr. Davenport to supply them until the second Wednesday in May next, to see what may be further done in that affair, referring it to the conjunct presbytery, then to meet at Philadelphia, to approve or disapprove of this our conduct, and to proceed in regard to Mr. Davenport as their way shall be made clear to them." He was not received as a member of the presbytery until 1746, when, as the presbytery state, "having satisfied us of his consent to the doctrines contained in the Westminster Confession of Faith, together with our plan of government, as far as he had inspected into the same," he was admitted. In 1748, he was dismissed to the presbytery of New York, "to act under their direction," in relation to a call which he had received to Connecticut Farms. In 1753, he was again received by the presbytery of New Brunswick from the presbytery of Newcastle, in order to his settlement at Hopewell. A committee was appointed for his installation, who reported, that owing "to the manifest negligence of the people, they could not proceed in that affair, whereupon the presbytery judged the conduct of the said people to be highly abusive both to the presbytery and Mr. Davenport; but said people having made some just reflections on their conduct, and again presenting a call to Mr. Davenport, he, after some consideration, declared his acceptance of said call;" and the presbytery, "in consideration of the disappointment and damage sustained by the delay of the installation of Mr. Davenport, when first appointed, through the default of the people of Hopewell and Maidenhead, do order that the said people advance Mr. Davenport's salary

to seventy pounds per annum two years sooner than was recommended to them by the last presbytery." His situation does not appear to have been very agreeable, as in 1757, a petition was presented for his removal, the consideration of which was deferred to the next meeting, and he died in the autumn of that year before it was acted upon.

In the above record we have an example not only of the exercise of the usual presbyterial authority over a congregation, but of something beyond it, especially in the order to increase Mr. Davenport's salary. This was a matter in which the presbytery often interfered. In 1750, they passed a standing rule, that at least once a year they would "inquire of the elders how their respective ministers were supported, and their salaries paid." If after such inquiry the people were found deficient, the presbytery censured them, and "ordered them to give information to the next presbytery" what they had done to secure the payment of the pastor;2 or the people were "ordered to make up the deficiency before the next meeting of the presbytery."

The presbytery also assumed the right of granting or refusing liberty to one or more members of one congregation to join another. Thus, "Mr. Jacob Reader, a member of the congregation of Hopewell, made a request that for the sake of the convenience of his family, the presbytery would be pleased to dismiss him from the aforesaid congregation, that he may join with Amwell. And the presbytery, taking into consideration said request, judge it to be reasonable, and grant it." At another time a petition from a number of persons "to be discharged from Mr. Davenport was presented and granted."5 At the present day few members of the church would think of troubling the presbytery with such requests, and few presbyteries would think of exercising jurisdiction in the case.

This presbytery moreover exercised the right of deciding how a minister's time should be apportioned between the several branches of his congregation, and whether new places of worship should be erected or not.

In 1752, "a petition was presented from Kingwood for liberty to build a meeting-house for their own convenience; and after hearing said affair, and deliberating thereupon, the presbytery," it is said, "do grant their petition and order that henceforth that half of Mr. Lewis' time which has been hitherto spent in the Western Branch be equally divided between Bethlehem and Kingwood, and that each part pay in proportion to their time." In those days the villages of Kingston and Princeton, three miles apart, formed one parish, and the people of Princeton wished to have a separate place of worship, and a certain portion of the pastor's time, but their requests were repeatedly disallowed.2 In 1755, a motion was again "made in behalf of Princeton for supplies, and for liberty to build a meeting-house there," and the presbytery, it is said, "do grant liberty to the people of the said town to build a meeting-house."

The control exercised by the presbytery over its own members was no less strict. An example has already been given of the presbytery's deciding what portion of a minister's time should be given to each of the several congregations under his care. We find too that licentiates, if they wished to officiate out of the bounds of the presbytery to which they belonged, obtained special permission for that purpose. Thus in 1755, the presbytery gave "Mr. Hait free liberty to officiate within the bounds of the Newcastle presbytery as much of the time before next commencement, as he inclines to improve for that purpose." This permission was granted in consequence, it is stated, "of an earnest request from our Reverend brethren of the Newcastle presbytery, that we would assist them with respect to the vast number of vacant congregations under their care in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, besides fourteen congregations in North Carolina, who have applied to them for gospel ministers, whose circumstances are peculiarly distressing and dangerous; in which letter is also a particular request that Mr. Benjamin Hait may be allowed to join them, or at least to help them this summer." It is, therefore, a great mistake to suppose that these presbyteries were distinguished for a loose form of ecclesiastical

government. They carried out the principles of presbyterianism much further than is now common among us.

The character of the synod of New York may be still further illustrated by a reference to the fact that they conformed to the Scottish usage, as thoroughly as the old synod of Philadelphia. In the first place, after the manner of the church in Scotland, they had a commission, which sat during the intervals of synod, clothed with full synodical powers. This commission was appointed regularly every year.

In the second place they frequently appointed committees with plenary powers to decide particular cases. Thus in 1750, when the German church at Rockaway applied to be taken under the care of the synod, Messrs. Pierson, Burr, Arthur, Smith, and Spencer, were appointed a committee to visit the place, ascertain the facts, and decide upon the application. In 1753, the committee sent to New York, received the request of the ministers to be dismissed from their pastoral charge; and decided against the immediate removal of Mr. Pemberton, but dissolved the connexion between Mr. Cumming and that congregation. In 1755, a committee was appointed with authority to dismiss Mr. Bostwick from Jamaica, with a view to his removal to New York; they referred the matter to the commission by whom the transfer was effected. In the presbyteries this method of acting by committees was still more frequently resorted to. Men were licensed, ordained, and dismissed by committees specially appointed for the purpose.3 It was not competent, however, for these committees to assume presbyterial powers except for the special purpose of their appointment. Hence in 1750, when application was made to the committee appointed to license Mr. Todd, to make arrangements for the ordination of Mr. Campbell, it was decided "that being only a committee they cannot proceed to the ordination of Mr. C. or make any appointment therefor."

In the third place, the synod frequently acted in a presbyterial capacity. The most common occasion for the exercise of such powers was the appointment of supplies for vacant congregations. This was done by the synod not merely in its character of a missionary society, but in that of a large presbytery, having the oversight over all the churches, and the direction of all its members. Thus in 1753, they appointed Mr. Blair, Mr. Bay, Mr. Henry, Mr. Finley, and Mr. Rodgers, to supply Mr. Davies' congregation during his absence, and then appointed supplies for the congregations of those ministers. In like manner Mr. Treat, Mr. William Tennent, Mr. Beatty, Mr. Burr, Mr. Pemberton, and Mr. Cumming were directed to preach, each four sabbaths for Mr. Gilbert Tennent's congregation. In 1754, an application being received from Hanover for further supplies, the synod sent Mr. Greenman to them, and directed Mr. Clark, a candidate under the care of the presbytery of New York, to preach for Mr. Greenman during his absence. In 1756, the committee of synod sent to Jamaica to decide on Mr. Bostwick's removal, though they did not dismiss him, directed him to preach most of the winter in New York, and then appointed supplies for his congregation. And the commission did the same thing, when they decided on his final removal to New York. It was a common practice, when the synod sent any of their members on a distant mission, for them to take upon themselves the duty of making provision for their congregations. And even when there was no special reason for it, applications were made directly to the synod. Thus in 1757, a commissioner from Newark requested supplies for that congregation, and the synod appointed Mr. Treat to preach for them for three sabbaths, and as much more as he could. Sometimes one presbytery was directed to supply the congregations within the bounds of another. Thus "in order to supply the congregations," it is said, "of those ministers who are gone to the southward, the synod appoint the presbyteries of New Brunswick and Abington to supply within the bounds of New York presbytery, each four sabbaths; and the presbytery of Suffolk to supply either New York or Jamaica, as need shall be, each member two sabbaths."3

Even calls for ministers, and applications from congregations to be taken under the care of the synod, were at times directed immediately to them and not to a presbytery. In 1748, "a call was brought into synod from Falling Spring and New Providence, for Mr. Byram, the acceptance of which he declined." The German congregation of Rockaway applied immediately to the synod to be taken into connexion with our church, and they entertained the application. The whole action of the synod, in reference to the congregation in New York, was presbyterial rather than synodical. A committee of the synod selected and nominated elders; received and decided complaints against the pastors, one of whom, at his own request, they dismissed conditionally, and the other definitively. The synod, or its commission, moreover decided what version of the Psalms should be used, and transferred Mr. Bostwick from one church to another. Some of these cases were indeed brought up, by reference from the presbytery; but in most of them the synod exercised original jurisdiction.

It appears, then, from this review, that the synod of New York was a strictly presbyterian body. They not only declared the church of Scotland to be their mother church, and claimed to be united with her "in the same faith, order, and discipline," having adopted her standards both of doctrine and government, but in all their measures and modes of action they adhered to the presbyterian system. There was not only the regular exercise of sessional, presbyterial, and synodical supervision, but the control exercised over ministers and churches was more direct and extended than that to which we are accustomed. And further, in the regular appointment of a commission, in the frequent use of committees with full powers, and in the exercise of presbyterial functions, this synod conformed to the usages of the church of Scotland, more nearly than our church has ever done since the formation of our present constitution.

This synod was no less distinguished for its zeal for sound learning and evangelical religion. It embraced a very large proportion of the best

educated, as well as of the most fervent and pious ministers of the church. The field, which they had to cultivate, was so extensive, and was so rapidly filling with inhabitants, that it required the most laborious exertion to keep it even tolerably supplied. The members of the synod were therefore obliged to make long and frequent journeys, and to give themselves up to their work with a devotion which would now be deemed extraordinary. Perhaps there is no ecclesiastical body to which our church and country are more indebted than to this synod of New York.

It only remains to give an account of the negotiations which led to the union of the two synods. The first overtures were made by the synod of New York in 1749, when it was carried, "by a great majority of votes," that the following proposals should be sent to the synod of Philadelphia, viz.

"The synod of New York are deeply sensible of the many unhappy consequences that flow from our present divided state; and have, with pleasure, observed a spirit of moderation increasing between many members of both synods. This opens a door of hope, that if we were united in one body, we might be able to carry on the designs of religion in future peace and agreement, to our mutual satisfaction. And though we retain the same sentiments of the work of God which we formerly did, yet we esteem mutual forbearance our duty, since we all profess the same Confession of Faith and Directory for worship. We would, therefore, humbly propose to our brethren of the synod of Philadelphia, that all our former differences be buried in perpetual oblivion; and that, for the time to come, both synods be united in one, and that henceforth there be no contentions among us, but to carry towards each other in the most peaceable and brotherly manner, which we are persuaded will be for the honour of our Master, the credit of our profession, and the edification of the churches committed to our care. Accordingly we appoint the Rev. Messrs. John Pierson, Gilbert Tennent, Ebenezer Pemberton, and Aaron Burr, to be our delegates to wait upon the synod of Philadelphia with these proposals; and if the synod of Philadelphia

see meet to join with us in this design, and will please to appoint a commission to meet for that purpose, we appoint the Rev. Messrs. John Pierson, Ebenezer Pemberton, Aaron Burr, Gilbert and William Tennent, Richard Treat, Samuel and John Blair, John Roan, Samuel Finley, Ebenezer Prime, David Bostwick, and James Brown, (whom we appoint a commission of the synod for the ensuing year,) to meet with the commission of the synod of Philadelphia, at such time and place as they shall choose, to determine the affair of the union agreeably to the preliminary articles determined upon by this synod. And it is agreed that any other of our members, who shall please to meet with the commission, shall have liberty of voting and acting in said affair equally with the members of said commission. Which articles proposed as a general plan of union, are as follows, viz.

"1. To preserve the common peace we would propose that all names of distinction, which have been made use of in the late times, be for ever abolished.

"2. That every member assent unto and adopt the Confession of Faith and Directory, according to the plan formerly agreed to by the synod of Philadelphia, in the years ——.

"3. That every member promise, that after any question has been determined by the major vote, he will actively concur, or passively submit to the judgment of the body. But if his conscience permit him to do neither of these, that then he shall be obliged peaceably to withdraw from our synodical communion, without any attempt to make a schism or division among us. Yet this is not intended to extend to any cases but those which the synod judge essential in matters of doctrine or discipline.

"4. That all our respective congregations and vacancies be acknowledged as congregations belonging to the synod, but continue under the care of the

same presbyteries as now they are, until a favourable opportunity presents for an advantageous alteration.

"5. That we all agree to esteem and treat it as a censurable evil to accuse any of our members of error in doctrine, or immorality in conversation, any otherwise than by private reproof, till the accusation has been brought before a regular judicature, and issued according to the known rules of our discipline."

The synod of Philadelphia having acceded to the proposal for a conference, the commissioners of the two synods met at Trenton, October 5, 1749. From the minutes of this meeting it appears that "the commissioners of the synod of New York considering the protest of the synod of Philadelphia, whereby they excluded from their communion the presbytery of New Brunswick, and their adherents, as one principal bar to an union, waving all other matters, immediately insisted that said protest should, by some authentic and formal act of the synod of Philadelphia, be made null and void. The debates on this head rose very high, and there appearing no prospect of accommodation, the commissioners of both synods came unanimously into this conclusion, viz. that, whereas, certain difficulties arose in the conversation of the commissioners of both synods, they came finally unanimously into this agreement, that both synods at their next sessions do more fully prepare proposals for an accommodation, and interchange said proposals; and that, in the mean time, there be a mutual endeavour to cultivate a spirit of candour and friendship. At the same time these principal things were especially recommended to the consideration of their respective synods: 1. The protest. 2. That paragraph about essentials. 3. Of presbyteries."

From the report of the commissioners made to the synod of Philadelphia, relating to this meeting, it appears that, "the delegates from the synod of New York agreed to the following concessions and amendments in the

aforementioned proposals, which, according to the references in them, are as follows: 1. 'Though great and good men have been of different opinions, (about the revival.') 2. 'Always reserving a liberty for such dissenting member to lay his grievances before synod in a peaceable manner. N. B. What remains of the sentence to be erased.' (This amendment relates to article three, in the New York proposals.) 3. That there be no intrusions into the bounds of presbyteries or pastoral charges, against the inclination of the presbyteries or pastors. 4. That all candidates for the work of the sacred ministry either be examined and approved by the synod or its commission, previous to their admission upon trials by any of our presbyteries, or else that they be obliged to obtain a college diploma, or a certificate from the president or trustees of the college, that they have been examined and found qualified. Mr. Gilbert Tennent only objected against the synodical examination."

The synod of New York received, in May, 1750, the report of their commissioners, of the failure of the conference at Trenton, and deferred further action on the subject until their meeting in the autumn. Proposals were then prepared which differed but little from those at first offered. The first article provides for the adoption of the Confession and Directory. The second relates to the decisions of the synod, and is nearly in the same words as the former article relating to the same subject. The third is against rash judging. The fourth provides "that no candidate shall be taken upon trials by any presbytery without a degree, or certificate from the president and a sufficient number of tutors or trustees of some college, testifying to the sufficiency of his learning, except in cases extraordinary, in which the presbyteries shall be accountable to the synod for their conduct." The fifth was "that it shall be treated as irregular for any minister or candidate to preach, or perform other ministerial offices in the congregations of other ministers belonging to our body, contrary to their minds. On the other hand, it shall be esteemed unbrotherly for any minister to refuse his consent, without weighty reasons, when amicably desired." The sixth provides for

the presbyteries and congregations remaining as they then were. The seventh requires "that the protestation made in the synod of Philadelphia, in the year 1741, be declared henceforth void and of none effect; and that the proposed union shall not be understood to imply an agreement or consent to said protestation on the part of this synod." And finally, "forasmuch as this synod doth believe, as they have before declared, that a glorious work of God's Spirit was carried on in the late religious appearances; though we doubt not but there were several follies and extravagancies of people, and artifices of Satan intermixed therewith; it would be pleasing and desirable for us, and what we hope for, that both synods may come so far to agree in their sentiments about it, as to give their joint testimony thereto."

To these proposals the synod of Philadelphia replied, 1. That it was unreasonable to make the declaration that the protest of 1741 was void, a term of communion, since the synod of Philadelphia had declared that they would act towards their brethren of New York as though that protest had never been made. If any thing more was intended by declaring it void, they were not prepared for it, as they believed it had been made on sufficient and justifiable grounds. 2. They objected to the presbyteries remaining as they then were, as they considered it essential to the peace of the church that the distinction between old and new-side presbyteries should be done away. 3. They objected to making a testimony to the revival a term of communion, as the commissioners from New York had admitted that great and good men differed on that subject; and as the synod itself acknowledged that it was mixed with extravagancies, and artifices of Satan. Before such a testimony could be given, it must be known what was regarded as genuine, and what as spurious. 4. They agreed that all the members of the synod of New York should be members of the united synod, but they thought that where ministers had unjustly intruded into their congregations, and rendered them too feeble to support their pastors, something should be done to rectify the evil.

For a further exposition of their views they refer the synod of New York to the proposals sent to them after the Trenton conference, but before the reception of those above stated from New York. They particularly refer the synod of New York to the article respecting the decision of affairs by majority of votes. "We apprehend," they say, "it is strictly presbyterian and reasonable, and are not convinced the alteration in that article proposed by you, about what is essential and what is not, is necessary; nay, we apprehend that such an alteration as stated by you has a bad aspect, and opens a door for an unjustifiable latitude in principles and practices." They express their satisfaction at the proposal that candidates should bring a college certificate; and, as that answered every purpose, they withdrew their alternative about synodical examination.2

The proposals sent from the synod of Philadelphia to that of New York, before the reception of those to which the above objections refer, were substantially as follows: 1. That all names of distinction be abolished. 2. That the Confession of Faith and Directory be adopted "according to the plan agreed on in our synod, and that no acts be made but concerning matters which appear plain duty, or concerning opinions that we believe relate to the great truths of religion, and that all public and fundamental agreements of this synod stand safe." 3. Makes the usual provision for conscientious dissentients. 4. Against rash judging. 5. Relates to intrusions and reception of candidates. On these three points the two synods were already agreed. 6. It was proposed that presbyteries should be made up of the ministers who lived contiguous to one another; but if any minister was dissatisfied, he might join what presbytery he pleased. 7. With regard to the divided congregations, or new erections, as they were called, it was proposed that where each party was able to support a minister, both should continue; where neither was thus able, efforts should be made to unite them; and "where new erections have been made to the prejudice of the former standing congregations, and said erections supplied with ministers, said ministers be removed, and all proper methods be taken to heal the breach."

These proposals were received by the synod of New York in 1751, who made to them the following objections. 1. "Though the synod make no acts but concerning matters of plain duty or opinions relating to the great truths of religion; yet as every thing that appears plain duty and truth unto the body, may appear at the same time not to be essential; so we judge that no member or members should be obliged to withdraw from our communion upon his or their not being able actively to concur or passively submit, unless the matter be judged essential in doctrine and discipline." 2. They objected of course to the public acts of the synod of Philadelphia, made since the schism, being binding on the united body. 3. They thought it would not be for peace or edification in any measure to coerce the union of divided congregations. 4. As they had a college there was no need of the alternative plan, of synodical examination of candidates.

The letter from the Philadelphia synod, above mentioned, containing strictures on the New York proposals, was not received by the synod of New York until 1752, when on account of the pressure of other business, they returned a very short reply, in which they say: "We shall endeavour to give it a calm and deliberate consideration, and hope we shall return you such an answer as shall give you convincing evidence that we entertain the most affectionate desires of peace and union upon such a bottom as may contribute to the peace and comfort of all our churches." This answer they gave at their next meeting in 1753. They justify their insisting on the protest being declared void, on the ground that if it was a judicial act, it must stand in full force and virtue, unless it be repealed by an equal act; and that their uniting with them without its repeal would be an implicit approbation of it. They insisted that presbyteries and congregations should remain as they were, as it would produce but a jarring concord to force people together faster than they have clearness to go. As to the joint testimony to the revival previously proposed, it was not designed as a term of communion, but a desirable thing; as they hoped that upon friendly conference the difference on that subject would not be found to be as great as it had seemed. That no

dissenting member should be obliged to withdraw from their communion, unless the matter be judged by the body essential in doctrine and discipline, they say, appeared to them to be strictly christian and scriptural, as well as presbyterian, and not liable to the objection of unjustifiable latitude, as the synod had the power of judging what is essential and what is not.

This latter point does not appear to have been again adverted to, or to have given any further trouble. Neither synod was disposed to make "every truth or duty" a term of communion; and each had made the adoption of the Westminster Confession of Faith, a condition of admission into the sacred office. The article in question indeed did not relate to the admission of members, but to their exclusion; and is therefore analogous to those provisions of our present constitution which declare, that in case of process against a minister, "errors should be carefully considered, whether they strike at the vitals of religion, and are industriously spread, or whether they arise from the weakness of the human understanding, and are not likely to do much injury;" and which direct, "That a minister under process for heresy or schism should be treated with Christian and brotherly tenderness. Frequent conferences ought to be held with him, and proper admonitions administered. For some more dangerous errors, however, suspension may become necessary."

It has already been proved that this synod did not make adherence to the mere essential doctrines of the gospel the condition of ministerial communion. This is indeed evident from the form of expression adopted in the article itself, which speaks of what is essential "in doctrine or discipline." The discipline intended is the discipline adopted by the synod, and the doctrine intended is the system of doctrine which they had adopted. This interpretation is expressly asserted to be the meaning of this language by the members of the synod themselves;3 and it is the only one at all consistent with the official declarations of the body that they had adopted the Westminster Confession of Faith "as the test of orthodoxy" among them,

and that they had the same standard of doctrine as the church of Scotland. At the very time that these negotiations were going on, the synod of New York had the Rev. Mr. Harker under process for teaching doctrines which had an Arminian tendency,5 and for which, after the union of the two synods he was suspended. "That therefore," says Mr. John Blair, "is an essential error in the synod's sense, which is of such malignity as to subvert or greatly to injure the system of doctrine and mode of worship and government contained in the Westminster Confession of Faith and Directory."

In 1754, a letter was sent from the synod of Philadelphia to that of New York, which is not on record, containing a request for a renewed conference. A committee was consequently appointed to attend the synod of Philadelphia at their next meeting. The result of this conference was, that the Philadelphia brethren proposed, that all previous differences should be dropped, and the two synods should unite "as two contiguous bodies of Christians agreed in principle, as though they had never been concerned with one another before, nor had any differences." The New York brethren, however, were not satisfied with this proposal, but insisted that "the protestation made in 1741, should be withdrawn." When this result was communicated to the synod of Philadelphia, they said they saw not what they could propose further. As to the protest, they had frequently declared they would act in case of an union as though it never had been made; that as every member had a right to protest, the judicature could neither forbid it, nor annul or withdraw such protest when made; it was solely in the power of the protesters. As some members of the synod of New York felt aggrieved by the protest, so some of their members felt themselves greatly injured by the conduct of some of the New York brethren, and unless mutual concessions were made, an union was out of the question.

As this year the synod of New York met in the autumn, this minute came before them the same year, viz. 1755; and they replied to it by saying, that

they were fully sensible that peace and union were of the utmost importance in the church of Christ, and that their being dissatisfied with the mere general proposal to drop all former differences, and to unite on scriptural and reasonable terms, and their insisting on particulars, arose simply from the desire to render the union effectual. They admitted that their demand to have the protest annulled, could have no propriety but on the assumption that the synod of Philadelphia had approved and adopted it, and consequently if they would say "that in their synodical capacity they do not adopt it," all difficulty would be removed on that score. "As the protest," they add, "appears to be a principal obstruction to the union of the two synods," they proposed, that in case the synod of Philadelphia admitted it not to be officially their act, the two synods should unite on the terms previously proposed, and immediately "proceed to hear and determine the differences between the protesters and those protested against, if needful."

In 1756, the synod of Philadelphia replied, "We desire to unite on the same terms on which the ministers of the two synods were united, when one body; and we are glad to join with the synod of New York in any expedient to cut off all debates about the protestation made in 1741. We allow the protesters the right of private judgment; and you will allow we can neither disannul nor withdraw their protestation; but in our synodical capacity, at your desire, we declare and do assure you, that we neither adopted nor do adopt said protestation as a term of ministerial communion. It was never mentioned to any of our members as a term of communion, more than any of the other protestations delivered into our synod on occasion of those differences. We only adopt and desire to adhere to our standards, as we agreed formerly when one body; we adopt no other."

The above declaration respecting the protest is historically correct. It was not a synodical act, but the act of certain members in their individual capacity. It was never officially adopted or sanctioned by a vote of the synod; though it was often spoken of with approbation.

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